Figure 6.1.1 Neudeutsch typeface and illustration by Otto Hupp
Genzsch & Heyse, 1903 or 1904
Chapter 6
Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
6.1
Introduction
Between 1871 and 1914, it was more common for new typefaces to be produced by
independent typefoundries than by dependent foundries inside printing houses. This
trend was already implied in the narrative I used for the last chapter regarding the
Midolline types. While the Midolline, Schmale Midolline, Magere Bastard, and Fette Bastard
were products of dependent typefoundries developed inside Berlin printing houses
between about 1850 and 1871, later Midolline types were developed at independent
typefoundries. Most came from Flinsch, but J. John Söhne and (probably) C.F. Rühl
created new Midollines, too. Collaboration with external designers was a practice
independent typefoundries engaged in far more often than their in-house counterparts would. Of the foundries I discuss in this chapter in the context of their collaborations with specific designers who were external individuals and not typefoundry
employees, almost all were independent firms. One of the two dependent typefoundries I mention was the in-house operation within the Reichsdruckerei at Berlin, and the
specific collaboration I refer to pertains to a typeface designed after 1914.1 A good deal
of this chapter reproduces surviving drawings made for typefoundries by three
external collaborators – Peter Behrens, Otto Eckmann, and Otto Hupp – which were
drawn between 1880 and 1915.
In my primary and secondary sources from and on the German typefoundries that
operated between the 1870s and the 1890s, I have found mentions of several instances
where external individuals provided a foundry with the design for either a new
printing type or a font of ornaments/initial letters/border-printing elements/etc. In
comparison with the decade and a half between 1899 and 1914, the number of
instances from 1871 to 1898 for which I found mentions are far fewer.2 Often, a
foundry’s type specimens or other publications only mentioned the roles these
individuals played decades after the fact.
This chapter includes two sections chronicling collaborations of German typefoundries with external individuals for the development of new typefaces between
about 1870 and the beginning of the twentieth century. The two chronicles overlap.
My second discusses typefaces with abundant sources available. Therefore, it is longer
and includes more details. It is also illustrated. The examples mentioned in my first
chronicle are not illustrated. I could reproduce how the typefoundries presented these
works in their type specimens; however, no drawings made as part of their production
survive. Since I cannot compare drawings with the final typefaces for these products
– as I do in my second chronicle – I have opted to present my first chronicle without
any images.3
1
Later, in chapters eight and nine below, I do mention Reichsdruckerei typefaces
developed during the late 1890s and early 1900s. These were designed by Georg Schiller,
an in-house engraver at the establishment, and Joseph Sattler. The other in-house
typefoundry I mention in this chapter – in terms of an external collaboration – is that
from W. Drugulin’s printing house at Leipzig.
2
A chart listing most typefaces made as results of German foundry collaborations
with external designers between 1899 and 1914 is printed in chapter eight.
3
This decision, I must admit, also has my finances in mind. Having specimens of the
typefaces mentioned in this section photographed or scanned – and then purchasing
reproduction rights for those images – would not have amounted to a trivial cost. Since I
266
Schriftkünstler
6.2
The small chronicle
Although dozens of foundries operated in Germany between the 1870s and 1890s, I
have only found mentions of ten that collaborated with external individuals. In
chapter eight, where I look at the presentation of German typeface design in 1914 at
the Internationale Ausstellung für Buchgewerbe und Graphik (Bugra) in Leipzig and the
Deutscher Werkbund-Ausstellung in Cologne, I list about twice as many independent
foundries who engaged in this kind of collaboration over the years leading up to those
exhibitions. This difference between the 1870s through the 1890s on the one hand and
the years between 1899 and 1914 on the other leads me to believe that the practice of
collaborating with external individuals for the design of new products was still
exceptional during the late nineteenth century. The ten firms for which I found
mentions of collaboration between the 1870s and 1890s were the typefoundries of
Wilhelm Woellmer in Berlin, Julius Klinkhardt at Leipzig, Genzsch & Heyse of
Hamburg and their Munich subsidiary E.J. Genzsch – which I treat here as a single
entity – Ferdinand Flinsch in Frankfurt am Main, the J.G. Schelter & Giesecke typefoundry of Leipzig, Otto Weisert of Stuttgart, W. Drugulin at Leipzig, A.W. Kafemann
of Danzig, Ferd. Theinhardt in Berlin, and Gustav Reinhold at Berlin. After the term
»Schriftkünstler« became established in the German printing-trade media at the
beginning of the twentieth century, these nineteenth-century collaborators would
generally not be referred as Schriftkünstler, unlike most of the people in the larger
“grand” chronicle that runs through this chapter’s next section.
6.2.1 Wilhelm Woellmer, Berlin (circa 1877)
An 1877 notice in the Archiv für Buchdruckerkunst mentioned that a punchcutter named
Franz Schnögula had engraved a set of border-printing elements that the Woellmer
foundry was distributing.4 These Einfassungen, which initially did not have a particular
name,5 had been commissioned from Schnögula by the Gebr. Grunert printing house
in Berlin.6 Woellmer likely carried the product because a printing house without an
in-house typefoundry needed someone to cast the sorts. Gebr. Grunert presumably had
no objections to other printers buying and using “their” design. Gebr. Grunert had
desired that a particular set of Einfassungen be made in the first place so that they could
use it in an 1877 wall calendar they intended to print.7 The Einfassungen allowed for
polychromatic printing. According to the notice, one of the Grunert brothers prepared
a sketch that Schnögula carried out. At least some of the “Grunert/Schnögula”
Einfassungen remained in Woellmer’s product portfolio for half a century: two of its six
pieces were included in the foundry’s 1926 type specimen catalogue.8 The Grunert/
Schnögula Einfassungen were not Woellmer’s only collaboration with a printing house
on a series of ornaments; an 1899 article in Deutscher Buch- und Steindrucker mentioned
another series designed by a man with by the last name of Röhn, who was the foreman at the Büxenstein printing house.9 That article did not state who cut the ornajudge this chronicle to be less significant to this book’s narrative as a whole than the one
following it, I have opted to put my total available funds towards other images.
4
See AfB 1877, col. 49
5
One of the loose type specimen sheets that Woellmer provided to the Archiv für
Buchdruckerkunst displayed these, and they are simply identified as having the product
identification »Ecken No. 45 a (Umfassung) und 45 b (Sterneneindruck), sowie die
Einfassungen No. 46, 47, 48 und 48 a.« Ibid., Woellmer supplement following col. 64
6
According to the 1877 Berlin address book, the »Buchdruckerei« Gebr. Grunert was
located in Junkerstraße 16; see Berliner Adreßbuch 1877, p. 393
7
See AfB 1877, col. 49
8
These were pieces 46 and 47; see Woellmer 1926, p. 417
9
See Deutscher Buch- und Steindrucker 1899b. According to the 1892 Berlin address
book, the »W. Büxenstein Buchdruckerei u. Steindruckerei, Kunstanstalt, Offizin z.
Herstell. v. Werthpapieren, Schriftgießerei, Stereotypie, Galvanoplastik u. Buchbinderei« was located at »SW Zimmerstr. 40. [und] 41.« It was owned by »Georg W. Büxenstein u. Otto Benstein.« See Berliner Adreßbuch 1892, p. 169
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
ments, but they could not have been engraved by Schnögula. He had died five years
earlier.
6.2.2 Julius Klinkhardt, Leipzig (circa 1877)
Klinkhardt also collaborated with external designers on a few occasions.10 According
to Friedrich Bauer, Ferdinand Karl Klimsch11 – who also delivered designs to the
Flinsch foundry in Frankfurt – designed at least one set of ornaments for Klinkhardt:
the Künstler-Einfassung, which they published in 1877. Klimsch may have also been
responsible for Klinkhardt’s Schildeinfassung, from 1880.12 Additionally, Klinkhardt
published decorative border-printing elements designed by Prof. Hugo Ströhl of
Vienna. These were featured in two fold-out supplements accompanying the Archiv für
Buchdruckerkunst’s October 1881 issue, entitled »Auswahl von Initialen, Zier-Leisten und
Schluss-Stücken«, and were captioned »entw. v. Prof. Ströhl in Wien«.13 This is likely
the same Hugo Ströhl I mention in chapter eight for advertising in the Leipzig-based
Artur Seemann publishing house’s Deutsche Kunstgewerbe-Zeichner address book series
in the 1890s.
Ströhl created more products for Klinkhardt. For instance, Bauer wrote that:
»Anfangs der achtziger Jahre stellte sich Professor Hugo Ströhl, der bekannte
Wiener Heraldiker und Zeichner, in den Dienst der Firma. Der auch im Kunstgewerbe sich stark ausbreitende Renaissancestil spiegelt sich wider in der 1885
entstandenen, von Ströhl entworfenen, aus über 400 Figuren bestehenden Germania-Einfassung, durch die die architektonisch Satzrichtung ihre vollkommenste
Durchführung erfahren konnte.«14
I have not found any evidence to suggest whether Klinkhardt solicited new designs
from, Klimsch and Ströhl, or if those men created their respective designs first, before
pitching them to Klinkhardt.
6.2.3 The Genzsch firms in Hamburg and Munich (circa 1878)
The Genzsch & Heyse typefoundry collaborated with external designer-punchcutters
at least once: in 1878, they published the Kinder-Alphabete initials, which were cut by
Adolf Closs in Stuttgart, who presumably also designed them.15 Genzsch & Heyse and
its Munich subsidiary E.J. Genzsch collaborated with two external design on a
long-term basis, which I describe in more detail in this chapter’s grand chronicle
below. Aside from this relationship with Heinz König and Otto Hupp, the Genzsch
firms collaborated with a few external artists between 1871 and 1899 on a short-term
basis, too. For example, they published a series of border elements in 1889 called the
Hammonia-Einfassungen, which had been designed for the firms by Leonard Hellmuth.16 Ferdinand Mahl drew their Pompadour-Ornamente, published in 1892,17 and
E. Eickhoff drew a typeface for jobbing printing called Pioner, published in 1893.18
10 As I mentioned in chapter three, the foundry had also collaborated with at least one
independent designer-punchcutter: Theodor Friebel, who cut Liliput-Grotesk, probably
in or before 1904.
11 Ferdinand Karl Klimsch (1812–1890) founded the Klimsch-lithographische Kunst-Anstalt
in Frankfurt am Main in 1858.
12 See the Reichardt 2011 edition of Bauer 1914/1928, p. 91
13 See AfB 1881, supplements to the October issue. No page numbers.
14 See the Reichardt 2011 edition of Bauer 1914/1928, p. 91. See also Deutscher Buchund Steindrucker 1899b
15 See Genzsch & Heyse 1908a, p. 23
16 Ibid., p. 34
17 Ibid., p. 36. According to Genzsch & Heyse 1893 (no page numbers), “Ferdinand Mahl
jun.” was from Bruneck, which is in South Tyrol.
18 See Genzsch & Heyse 1908a, p. 37
267
268
Schriftkünstler
6.2.4 Flinsch, Frankfurt am Main (circa 1880)
An 1880 article in the Correspondent für Deutschlands Buchdrucker und Schriftgießer on the
Flinsch typefoundry’s exhibit at that year’s Gewerbe- und Kunstausstellung in Düsseldorf
mentioned three »Zeichner« with which that firm had worked, presumably all during
the 1870s.19 These were the Düsseldorf painter Gustav Süs,20 the Munich painter
Rudolf Seitz,21 and the already-mentioned Frankfurt lithographer Ferdinand Karl
Klimsch. The article did not mention any specific typefaces or fonts of ornaments that
these artists had been responsible for designing, and neither Wetzig 1926 nor the
Vereinigung »Freunde des Klingspor Museums« online lists of type designers22 and Flinsch
foundry typefaces23 include any mentions of Seitz or Süs. I suspect that each designed
border-printing elements, initial letters, or ornaments, and that these were all discontinued by the early twentieth century, which might explain their lack of inclusion in
those lists. For Klimsch, however, there is more information available, because he
designed at least one alphabetic typeface for text-setting that Flinsch published. This
was a decorative blackletter called Germanisch.24 According to Wetzig 1926, Germanisch
was published in 1876.25
As I mention in this chapter’s next chronicle, Otto Hupp moved to Munich in 1878,
just before his nineteenth birthday. There he met Rudolf Seitz, who became his
mentor and life-long friend.26 While working in Seitz’s workshop, probably in 1880,
Hupp met Emil Julius Genzsch. Afterwards, Hupp began designing printing ornaments and eventually designing typefaces for Genzsch.27 Since I come back to that
later in this chapter, it should suffice here to write that Hupp implied in his 1927
autobiography that Seitz essentially “passed him off” to Genzsch. Genzsch had visited
Seitz’s workshop because he hoped that Seitz might be won over into doing some
work for his foundry.28 Perhaps by 1880, having already collaborated with Flinsch,
Seitz was no longer interested in designing any more fonts of ornaments, but Hupp
was up to the assignment.
Flinsch continued to collaborate with external individuals in the 1880s. For
instance, Friedrich Bauer recounted the release of their Mediaeval-Schreibschrift,29
writing that is was »von Domek in Wien gezeichnet und 1881 im Haus geschnitten«
and that it »wirkte bahnbrechend; sie ist in den Besitz der meisten deutschen Schriftgießereien, teils durch Kauf, teils durch Nachgalvanisieren übergegangen, welcher
Freibeuterei damals noch nicht zu begegnen war.«30 Vienna’s address book for 1881
includes three entries for men with “Domek” as their last name; the Domek in
question is probably Victor Domek, who is listed as having a »Lithographie u. Drucke-
19 See KfD 1880, p. 1
20 Gustav Süs (1823–1881). Ibid. does not give Süs’s first full name, but only mentions a
»G. Süß« from »hier«, implying Düsseldorf. There is only one Süs in the 1880 Düsseldorf address book whose first name begins with “G” – Gustav Süs is listed there as a
»Maler«, living in Rosenstraße 28; see Düsseldorfer Adreßbuch 1880, p. 161
21 Rudolf Seitz (1842–1910)
22 See Hoefer/Reichardt (undated)
23 See Reichardt 1 (undated)
24 See Hoefer/Reichardt (undated) and Flinsch 1898, p. 62–63
25 See Wetzig 1926, p. 27
26 See Hupp 1927, p. 3–4
27 Ibid. Since one of Otto Hupp’s drawings for the Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen that
would be published by Genzsch’s firms, kept in Hupp’s Nachlass, has the date 1880
written on it, his working relationship with Genzsch must have started by this point.
See Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp 2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 35
28 See Hupp 1927, p. 3–4
29 See Flinsch 1898, p. 239
30 See the Reichardt 2011 edition of Bauer 1914/1928, p. 53
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
rei« at Siebensterngasse 46, in the city’s seventh district.31 The second 1880s typeface
for which Flinsch collaborated with an external person was what Friedrich Bauer called
a »Kursiv-Griechisch«; he attributed its design to a »Professor Kirchhoff in Berlin«.32
That man is almost certainly Adolf Kirchhoff,33 who had been named professor of
classical philology at Berlin’s Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität in 1865.34 While MediaevalSchreibschrift was an eye-catching design, likely produced for use in jobbing printing,35
Kursiv-Griechisch must have been made for setting long passages of Greek text intended
for reading, almost certainly in scholarly publications. The Kursiv-Griechisch was
produced in four small sizes – 6, 8, 10, and 12 Didot points36 while the Mediaeval-Schreibschrift was cast in eight sizes ranging from 10 through 60 Didot points.37
Flinsch’s collaborations with Domek and Kirchhoff were surely driven by similar
motivations. As a lithographer, Domek was likely seen as capable of delivering a new
typeface in a specific style, one that Flinsch would not have been able to conceptualise
in-house, or which would have taken its employees longer to design on their own.
Similarly, collaborating with Kirchhoff on the design of a new scholarly typeface for
Greek composition allowed Flinsch to add a new product to its palette that it likely
could not have produced as easily without a knowledgeable consultant. A Greek
typeface bearing the imprimatur of a recognised member of the scholarly community
would also make Flinsch’s Kursiv-Griechisch seem like a sensible choice for academic
printers to buy.38 It is possible that the typeface had a built-in market from its
moment of production, i.e., it could be sold to the printers responsible for producing
Kirchhoff’s publications.
6.2.5 J.G. Schelter & Giesecke, Leipzig (circa 1883)
Founded in 1819, Schelter and Giesecke published its first company history on the
occasion of its seventy-fifth anniversary in 1894.39 While that publication did not
describe any collaborations the firm had made with external artists or designers, a
31 See Lehmann 1881, p. 268
32 See the Reichardt 2011 edition of Bauer 1914/1928, p. 53
33 Johann Wilhelm Adolf Kirchhoff (1826–1908)
34 See Kirchhoff (undated)
35 German: Akzidenz-Druck.
36 See Flinsch 1897 (no page numbers). The SMB-PK gives this item the approximate
date of 1897. It is a bound volume of type specimen sheets – with product numbers, but
without page numbers. One of the volume’s first pages includes a dedication handwritten by Heinrich Flinsch from March 1897. The page of unnamed »Griechische Schriften« that contains the product numbers 1555, 1556, 1557 and 1558 has the following line
of text toward the bottom: »Begutachtet und empfohlen von Herrn Prof. A. Kirchhoff in
Berlin.«
37 See Flinsch 1898, p. 239. The SMB-PK gives this catalogue the approximate date of
1898. The book contains a handwritten dedication by the company to the »Bibliothek
des Kgl. Kunstgewerbe-Museums Berlin« on the first recto after the title page, dated
February 1899.
38 At some point before 1851, the in-house typefoundry at the printing house of the
»Königlich-preußischen geheimen Ober-Hofbuchdrucker« Rudolf Decker in Berlin had
also consulted with a scholar for the design of Greek typefaces. For example, in a type
specimen catalogue the firm printed for the 1851 Great Exhibition in London, a line of
text at the foot of the last four pages displaying four similar Greek types – two designs
each in about 10 and 12 Didot-point sizes – reads: »Diese griechischen Antiqua-Schriften sind nach Angabe des Herrn Dr. Pinder geschnitten.« That Dr Pinder was almost
certainly Moritz Eduard Pinder (1807–1871), a Prussian Royal Academician who worked
in Berlin’s libraries and museums; see Decker 1851 (no page numbers) and
Friedlaender 1888
39 See Schelter & Giesecke 1894
269
270
Schriftkünstler
later corporate history – published in 1914 to coincide with the Bugra – would include
brief mentions of such activity. The first typeface that Schelter & Giesecke 1914
attributed to a specific designer was a series of border-printing elements that had been
published in 1883. These were called the Holbeineinfassungen, and they had been
produced from drawings provided by Heinrich Mai.40 Friedrich Bauer wrote that these
were drawn »im Stile der deutschen Renaissance«,41 and they were likely intended for
use in Münchner Renaissance style printing. As Monika Estermann writes, the Münchner
Renaissance was an applied arts movement that was underway at the time in Munich;
in part, it had been inspired by the German Renaissance items on display at an
exhibition of »Werke älterer Meister« – entitled Unserer Väter Werke42 – which had been
a section of the 1876 Münchner Kunstgewerbeausstellung.43 As I mention below, Genzsch
& Heyse and its Munich-subsidiary E.J. Genzsch also began to produce Münchner
Renaissance-style typefaces and printing ornaments during the early 1880s. The name
of Schelter & Giesecke’s Holbeineinfassungen must have referred to the German Renaissance painter Hans Holbein the Younger;44 the term »Einfassung« was used in
German printing to connote fonts of border-printing elements. Already in 1881,
Schelter & Giesecke had published a series of ornaments entitled Renaissance-Ornamente; in 1884, they published three more typefaces with German Renaissance-themed
names: Albrecht-Dürer-Gotisch, Renaissance-Gotisch, and Renaissance-Kanzlei.45 An 1899
article in Deutscher Buch- und Steindrucker, however, mentioned a collaboration with an
external artist from almost a decade before the Holbeineinfassungen’s release. That
article’s anonymous author writes that Heinrich Hoffmeister designed a series of
border-printing elements that Schelter & Giesecke published around 1874 under the
name Kartuschen-Einfassung.46 Hoffmeister later opened a typefoundry of his own in
Leipzig. The next typeface that Schelter & Giesecke 1914 attributed text attributed to a
specific designer was a Rundgotisch designed by Albert Knab,47 which the foundry
published in 1901.48
6.2.6 Otto Weisert, Stuttgart (circa 1885)
Either in 1885 or slightly before, the Weisert foundry of Stuttgart produced sorts for
border printing called the Römische Einfassungen. According to Archiv für Buchdruckerkunst, these border-printing elements, as well as a series of initials, were based on
designs from a »Herr Baumeister Leitzen« in Braunschweig.49 This is likely Johannes
Leitzen,50 mentioned in the Braunschweig address book for 1885 as »Leitzen, Joh.,
Baumstr., Vorsteher d. Zeichenschule des Vereins zur Förderung des Kunstgewerbes,
Privatdocent an d. Herzogl. techn. Hochschule, Privat-Architekt, Rebenstr. 14.«51
According to Claudia bei der Wieden, Leitzen played a leading role as a teacher and
administrator in the shaping of several predecessor-institutions of the Braunschweig
40 Ibid., p. 8
41 See the Reichardt 2011 edition of Bauer 1914/1928, p. 94
42 See Kuhn 1876
43 See Estermann/Schmidt 2016, p. 47–54
44 Hans Holbein the Younger (circa 1497–1543)
45 See Schelter & Giesecke 1914, p. 7–8
46 See Deutscher Buch- und Steindrucker 1899b. The same article mentions that the
Emil Berger foundry – also of Leipzig – published Hoffmeister’s Renaissance-Einfassung
around the same time (circa 1874).
47 Albert Knab (1870–1948)
48 Schelter & Giesecke 1914, p. 9
49 For the Römische Einfassungen, see AfB 1885, col. 45–46 and 148; Baumeister’s initials
are discussed in col. 85
50 Johannes Karl Friedrich Leitzen (1848–1922)
51 See Braunschweigisches Adreß-Buch 1885, p. 103
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
University of Art, where I wrote this dissertation.52 In addition to heading up the
drawing school, he became the first director of its immediate successor-institution –
Braunschweig’s Kunstgewerbeschule – in 1886. He was made a professor in 1899 and he
held the directorship post until 1917.53 Leitzen created at least one other set of borderprinting elements for Weisert: a two-sheet, fold-out specimen of Deutsche Schildeinfassung »entworfen von Baumeister Leitzen in Braunschweig« accompanied the July 1887
of the Archiv für Buchdruckerkunst.54 Aside from these, I have not found any suggestion
that Leitzen collaborated with typefoundries to develop more products. According to
Friedrich Bauer 1914/1928, the only typefoundry that would still have operated in
Braunschweig in 1885 was Vieweg’s in-house unit, which by that point may have only
been casting type for its internal needs.55 So Leitzen would have needed a typefoundry further afield to partner with.
6.2.7 W. Drugulin, Leipzig (circa 1886)
The practice of having academics consult on the designs of new Greek typefaces was
probably quite common. Indeed, there are other examples. For instance, the typefoundry inside the W. Drugulin printing house ran a specimen of two sizes of its
Mediæval Griechisch typeface as a supplement to the 9 June 1886 issue of the Journal für
Buchdruckerkunst.56 This was for the sizes Petit and Corpus, or 8 and 10 Didot-points.
Captions at the top of the sheets read »Geschnitten unter Mitwirkung von hervorragenden neugriechischen Gelehrten und Autoren von Th. Friebel in Leipzig« and
»Original-Ereignis unseres Hauses. Eingetragen in die Musterschutz-Register von
Deutschland und Oesterreich-Ungarn.«57 The types’ punchcutter, Gottfried Wilhelm
Theodor Friebel, ran an independent punchcuttery in Leipzig, at least according to the
design patent registrations he filed.58
52 See Bei der Wieden 2013, p. 76–77, 82, 94, 98, 100–107, and 481
53 Ibid., p. 74 and 496
54 See AfB 1887, supplements to the July issue (no page numbers).
55 See the Reichardt 2011 edition of Bauer 1914/1928, p. 36–39
56 James Mosley also mentions this typeface in Mosley 1990, p. 22
57 See Journal für Buchdruckerkunst 1886, supplements to the 9 June 1886 issue (no
page numbers).
58 See Reichsanzeiger 1883 for notice of an 11 December 1882 design patent registration
Friebel filed. Friebel may have been a mobile worker; Friedrich Bauer mentioned that he
cut the punches for the Bauer & Co. typefoundry of Stuttgart’s Gutenberg-Gotisch typeface,
together with that firm’s founder, the punchcutter Friedrich Wilhelm Bauer; see the
Reichardt 2011 edition of Bauer 1914/1928, p. 134. I have not found mention of whether
he did that work in Leipzig or Stuttgart. Another punchcutter named Hugo Friebel
owned and operated a factory in Leipzig for poster-printing typefaces cast in copper;
Ibid., p. 103 and 109. I do not know if these two Friebels were related. In or about 1889,
Theodor Friebel cut a Schlanke Cursiv-Grotesque for the Vienna-based foundry J.H. Rust &
Co.; see Reynolds 2019c. An 1899 article on designers of typefaces in Deutscher Buch- und
Steindrucker mentioned a series of ornamental printing rules from Theodor Friebel
called the Accidenzverzierungen, but did not state which typefoundry published them. The
anonymous author did mention that they were about twenty years old; see Deutscher
Buch- und Steindrucker 1899b. Both the Oskar Laessig typefoundry in Vienna and the
Emil Gursch typefoundry in Berlin had products with similar names in their catalogues;
see Reynolds 2019a. As I mentioned in chapter three, Friebel cut Liliput-Grotesk for the
Leipzig-based foundry of Julius Klinkhardt at some point before his death in 1905;
Klinkhardt published the single-sized typeface in 1906 or 1907.
271
272
Schriftkünstler
6.2.8 A.W. Kafemann, Danzig (circa 1886)
Scholarly collaborations were not just limited to typefoundries production of typefaces
for foreign writing systems. For instance, the Danzig typefoundry of A.W. Kafemann
published a typeface named Danziger Fraktur in 1886 that was designed by an ophthalmologist named Dr Schneller. The loose specimen sheets Kafemann produced to
advertise this typeface state that the foundry was then in the process of producing an
accompanying roman typeface, which was also designed by Schneller.59 This was
published in 1891 as the Danziger Schrift. Collaborating with the scholarly community
had always been a part of printing. The Venetian printer Aldus Manutius engaged
many scholars at his press,60 and Erasmus of Rotterdam61 spent time at the Basel
printing house of Johann Froben.62
6.2.9 Ferd. Theinhardt, Berlin (circa 1886)
Collaborations like Flinsch’s with Kirchhoff seem to me to be a direct analogue to the
scholarly collaborations for which the punchcutter and typefoundry owner Ferdinand
Theinhardt had been engaged by various members of the Prussian Academy of
Sciences decades earlier. Although I will eventually come to a set of initials published
by the Ferd. Theinhardt foundry around 1886 in this small chronicle, I want to break
the chronology for a moment, because that firm’s founder was probably the punchcutter an typefounder in nineteenth-century Germany to work most closely with
academics on typefaces like Kirchhoff’s Greek.
Beginning in the 1850s, Theinhardt cut the punches for several scholarly typefaces;
most were commissioned to compose texts in other writing systems. These types
were for Avestan, Chinese characters, cuneiform, Cypriot, Demotic, Egyptian hieroglyphs, Hebrew, Tibetan, or Devanagari63 – the script with which Sanskrit, Hindi, and
other Northern Indian languages are written.64 These types were then cast at Theinhardt’s foundry and sold to academic printers. In the same vein, Theinhardt produced
Monumental – a series of scholarly types commissioned by the Prussian Academy of
Sciences for composing the inscriptional texts65 in Theodor Mommsen’s Corpus
inscriptionum latinarum.66
I am not sure what the exact nature of the collaboration between Theinhardt and
his academic counterparts was, or how the design and making of those typefaces
unfolded. The process by which his hieroglyphic types were produced was hinted at in
a specimen of those types in his foundry produced in 1875. This included a foreword
from Karl Richard Lepsius,67 who had given him the commission for the types in the
first place. On an expedition to Egypt in 1842–1846, Lepsius had been accompanied by
59 See Kafemann (undated; no page numbers)
60 Aldus Pius Manutius (1449–1515)
61 Desiderius Erasmus Roterodamus (1466–1536)
62 Johann Froben (1460–1527)
63 See Theinhardt 1880 (no page numbers) and the Reichardt 2011 edition of Bauer
1914/1928, p. 25
64 In his autobiography, Ferdinand Theinhardt recalled the circumstances leading to
his Devanagari commission – the types were needed for a Sanskrit dictionary; see
Theinhardt 1899/1920, p. 16–17
65 See Theinhardt 1880 (no page numbers) and Theinhardt 1899/1920, p. 17. This series
of types included seven sizes of capital letters for Latin inscriptions, two sizes of Greek,
and more fonts for setting Archaic Latin.
66 These were published between 1863 and 1893; see the Reichardt 2011 edition of Bauer
1914/1928, p. 25
67 See Theinhardt 1875, p. iii–vi
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
the draughtsman68 Ernst Weidenbach.69 Lepsius wrote that Weidenbach prepared
detailed drawings of each hieroglyphic character, which were provided to the punchcutters. The first of Lepsius’s hieroglyphic sorts were cut by Augustus Beyerhaus,70 but
the project was transferred to Theinhardt in 1851.71 Theinhardt, who had only started
to work independently in 1849, had begun fulfilling orders for the Preußische Staatsdruckerei in 1851,72 which could have led to his receiving the hieroglyphs commission.
Beyerhaus, who had begun the project, seems to have closed his typefoundry down
around 1850.73
For several of Theinhardt’s other scholarly types, he likely based the design of his
punches on letters manuscripts and other artefacts he examined himself, and not on
interpretations made by intermediary draughtsmen like Weidenbach. For example, in
his autobiography, Theinhardt wrote:
Ein über 3000 Jahre altes Manuscript [sic], auf einem etwa 5 cm breiten und 25 cm
langen schwarzen Streifen von Palmblatt mit einer weißen silberartigen Farbe mit dem
Pinsel geschrieben oder gemalt, das sich im Besitz der Berliner Königlichen Bibliothek
befindet, diente mir als Vorlage [für meine tibetischer Schrift].74
68 In his autobiography, Theinhardt called Ernst Weidenbach a painter and lithographer; see Theinhardt 1899/1920, p. 15
69 Ernst Weidenbach (1818–1882)
70 See Theinhardt 1875, p. v
71 See the Reichardt 2011 edition of Bauer 1914/1928, p. 25
72 Ibid. See also Theinhardt 1899/1920, p. 12–13. A text on the first sheet after the title
page of a circa 1880 Theinhardt foundry volume of specimen sheets mentions that »für
die Königliche Staatsdruckerei hat die Firma seit fünfundzwanzig Jahren viele, in ihr
Fach einschlagende Arbeiten, u.a. Diamantschriften zu Strafandrohungen …«. The
term »Diamantschriften« refers to exceptionally small typefaces, which were only about
3 or 4 Didot-points in size. Theinhardt 1800 does not include any typefaces that small.
The Preußische Staatsdruckerei was eventually joined with the Decker family’s printing
house in Berlin to form the imperial printing house (Reichsdruckerei). The punch
collection at the Reichsdruckerei passed from the West German Bundesdruckerei in West
Berlin to the Museum für Verkehr und Technik Berlin in the 1980s. Today, this is the Stiftung
Deutsches Technikmuseum Berlin. That collection includes the original steel punches for
two Diamant-sized roman typefaces, and several Diamant-sized blackletters; perhaps one
or both were cut by Theinhardt. See Stiftung Deutsches Technikmuseum Berlin
(Außendepot) 1/2018/0443, drawer 37, punches labelled 1./A. 458/N.– and 2./A. 459/N.
301, Stiftung Deutsches Technikmuseum Berlin (Dauerausstellung Schreib- und
Drucktechnik) and Theinhardt 1880 (no page numbers).
73 Friedrich Bauer 19194/1928 only has information for Augustus Beyerhaus’s typefoundry from the year 1840; see the Reichardt 2011 edition of Bauer 1914/1918, p. 24–25.
In the early 1840s, Beyerhaus is listed in the Berlin address books as a typefoundry
owner, living at Spandauer Straße 30 with his place of business being at Spandauer
Straße 53. Beginning in 1845, the address books describe him as a »Hofgraveur, Wappenstecher, Steinschneider und Schriftgießerei-Besitzer«, now at Oberwallstraße 6. From
1850, the term »Schriftgießereibesitzer« is no longer part of his entries; see Berliner
Adreßbuch 1844, p. 33, as well as Berliner Adreßbuch 1845, p. 33, and Berliner Adreßbuch
1850, p. 35. In Berliner Adreßbuch 1849, Beyerhaus’s name is also included in the list of
»Schriftgießerei-Besitzer«, but that is no longer the case for the year 1850 onward; see
Berliner Adreßbuch 1849, p. 231 and Berliner Adreßbuch 1850, p. 239
74 See Theinhardt 1899/1920, p. 18. The manuscript that Theinhardt consulted could
not have been three thousand years old; this was verified for me by Jo De Baerdemaeker.
As of this writing, De Baerdemaeker is preparing a book for Brill Publishers in Leiden on
he history of Tibetan typefaces, which will include a chapter on Theinhardt’s Tibetan
typeface. According to De Baerdemaeker, the Tibetan script itself was only developed
273
274
Schriftkünstler
Similarly, after Eberhard Schrader75 commissioned Theinhardt to create a font of
cuneiform type, he was provided with »Abzeichnungen der in Granit gehauenen
Inschriften der großen Stelen, die im assyrischen Saal des hiesigen Alten Museums
sich befinden [zur Erleichterung der Arbeit und zur Vergleichung].«76 Alternatively,
certain academics could have prepared written samples of the writing system to follow
themselves. On a specimen sheet from the Theinhardt foundry showing the Tibetan,
Avestan,77 and Devanagari types includes a footer describing the typefaces’ respective
commissions.78 For Avestan [here, Zend], it reads »Zend, das ursprüngliche Zend-Alphabet von R. Lepsius.« The word »von« [from] does not necessarily imply that
Theinhardt cut the type after a design drawn or written by Lepsius himself, but it is
not inconceivable that Lepsius could have been involved in the type’s design in that
way, too.
The Ferd. Theinhardt foundry’s collaborations were not limited to Ferdinand
Theinhardt collaborating with academics. The company published at least a few
typefaces that were designed by men who were presumably external artists/designers.
The H. Berthold AG foundry – who acquired Ferd. Theinhardt in 1908 – listed two
handwriting-style typefaces that they adopted into their product range after acquiring
the Ferd. Theinhardt foundry in 1908 in their 1921 corporate history that must fall into
this category. These are the Deutsche Schreibschrift and the Titelschreibschrift, which were
designed by a person named »Wilke« who I have not yet been able to identify.79 Since
the book does not give dates for these typefaces’ releases, I cannot say whether they
were produced while Ferdinand Theinhardt still owned the Ferd. Theinhardt foundry,
or after he had sold it. In the July 1886 issue of the Archiv für Buchdruckerkunst, the
foundry ran a supplementary specimen showing a series of two-colour initials
designed by Albert Hoffmann, who may have been the same Alfred Hoffmann who
prepared the written version of a type-making lecture by Franz Schnögula’s that was
printed in the Journal für Buchdruckerkunst in 1883, which I discuss at the end of this
section.80 Ferd. Theinhardt’s publication of the specimen showing Hoffmann’s initials
only took place about a year and a half after Ferdinand Theinhardt had sold his
company off, which must have been enough time for those initials to have been
designed and produced. Nevertheless, I cannot rule out that Ferdinand Theinhardt had
established the company collaboration with Hoffmann himself, before 1885. Perhaps
he even engraved the initials, too.
Regarding Flinsch’s Kursiv-Griechisch, where did the impetus for the typeface come
from? Did Flinsch decide to add a new Greek typeface to its portfolio, and then
approach Kirchhoff to ask for help? Or did Kirchhoff need a new typeface for use in a
specific publication, and went looking for a foundry who could produce it? Although
several of Kirchhoff’s colleagues at the university and the Academy of Sciences had
previously commissioned Theinhardt in similar circumstances, that route would not
during the seventeenth century; see this author’s correspondence with De Baerdemaeker from 22 December 2017
75 Eberhard Schrader (1836–1908)
76 Ibid., p. 19. Schrader means the Altes Museum that is still on the Museumsinsel in
Berlin today, although this stele might be in one of the neighbouring museums now.
77 The Avestan alphabet – or rather for the Pahlavi script – must have been going by
the historical name »Zend« in Germany during the second half of the nineteenth
century. The Pahlavi script is now used for certain Zoroastrian texts, although it once
was a writing system actively used for over a millennium to write Middle Persian and
other languages.
78 See Theinhardt 1880 (no page numbers). The sheet is titled »Tibetisch, Zend,
Sanskrit«.
79 See Hoffmann 1921, p. 49 and Hoffmann/Schnögula 1883
80 See AfB 1886, col. 208 and the supplements to the July 1886 issue, which have no
page numbers.
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
have been available to Kirchhoff in 1886, since Theinhardt was in retirement by
then.81
6.2.10 Gustav Reinhold, Berlin (circa 1892)
The first corporate history of the H. Berthold AG typefoundry, published in 1921,
included brief portraits of the various foundries Berthold had acquired. The first of
these had been Gustav Reinhold’s.82 As I mentioned in chapter three, the acquisition
of Reinhold’s foundry marked the beginning of Berthold’s typefounding activity,83 At
some point in or before 1892, the pre-acquisition Reinhold foundry published a series
of border-printing elements that they called the Rokoko-Einfassungen.84 According to
Heinrich Hoffmann in that 1921 Berthold history, the Rokoko-Einfassungen had been
designed »im Stil des 18. Jahrh. vom Maler G. Koch in Berlin«.85 By this, Hoffmann
was likely referring to Georg Carl Koch,86 a Berlin painter elected to the Prussian
Academy of Art in 1896 and made a professor in 1899. The 1892 Berliner Adreßbuch
includes an entry for a »Koch, G.«, who was listed as a »Geschichtsmaler« and who
then resided at Gneisenaustraße 55, with an atelier in the Anhaltstraße 14.87 Hoffmann did not give any details about Koch’s design process, but – unusually for a
typefoundry company-history – he named the punchcutter who had engraved the
Rokoko-Einfassungen. This was a »Meister F. Schnögula«;88 which must have been a
reference to the punchcutter and engraver Franz Schnögula, already mentioned
above.89 An »F. Schnögula«, who was a »Graveur u. Stempelschn.«, can be found in
the 1892 Berliner Adreßbuch as well.90 At that time, he was living at Belle-Alliance-Straße
54; however, he died not long after the Rokoko-Einfassungen had been completed; a
September 1894 article in the Buchgewerbeblatt trade journal mentioning the Rokoko-Einfassungen’s publication stated that Schnögula had recently passed away and that
the border-printing elements had been his last project.91
In an 1883 article in the Journal für Buchdruckerkunst, Albert Hoffmann recounted a
lecture on type making that Franz Schnögula had presented to the Berliner Typographische Gesellschaft. While most of what Schnögula explained was more relevant to the
cutting of alphabetic punches, he also spoke about his process for engraving ornaments. According to Hoffmann, Schnögula stated that:
Beim Schnitt von Einfassungen kann vom Punzen nicht die Rede sein, sie werden stets
gravirt. Nach Uebertragung der Zeichnung auf die erwähnte Lackschicht zieht man auf
der Schnittfläche ein feines Liniennetz in Nonpareille oder Viertelcicero-Carrés, fixirt
mittels der Radirnadel unter genauer Beachtung namentlich der für den Anschluss
bestimmten Stellen die Contour und beginnt dann bei den schwierigsten Stellen mit
dem Ausstechen.92
81 See Theinhardt 1899/1920, p. 20 as well as the Reichardt 2011 edition of Bauer
1914/1928, p. 25
82 Gustav Reinhold had only established his firm in 1889; in 1890, he acquired Emil
Berger’s typefoundry in Leipzig; see the Reichardt 2011 edition of Bauer 1914/1928, p. 34
83 With their 1893 purchase, Reinhold became one of Berthold’s co-directors; the other
co-director was »Balth. Kohler«; see Hoffmann 1921, p. 31
84 Ibid.
85 Ibid., p. 31 and 32 (illustration)
86 Georg Carl Koch (1857–1927)
87 See Berliner Adreßbuch 1892, p. 653
88 See Hoffmann 1921, p. 31 and 32 (illustration)
89 Franz Schnögula’s first name was mentioned in the 1879 Berliner Gewerbe-Ausstellung
catalogue; see Maurer 1879, p. 106
90 See Berliner Adreßbuch 1892, p. 1194
91 See Buchgewerbeblatt 1894, col. 944
92 See Hoffmann/Schnögula 1883, col. 494
275
276
Schriftkünstler
Albert Hoffmann’s article may describe the process that Schnögula had used to
engrave the Einfassungen for Gebr. Grunert that Woellmer sold, and/or the process he
would later use to engrave the Rokoko-Einfassungen. Already in 1883, it was common for
Schnögula to interpret designs provided by others, but – according to Hoffmann’s text
– Schnögula seems to have expressed scepticism about the design quality many of
those resulting products exhibited:
In neuerer Zeit [kommen die Zeichnungen für neue Schriften oft von] namhaften
Malern und Architecten oder im Zeichnen geübten Buchdruckern … Einheitliche
Durchführung der für Schrift wie Ornament characteristischen Merkmale, genaue
Beachtung von Proportion und Symmetrie, strenges Einhalten der typographischen
Masse sind dabei Hauptbedingungen, welche nicht ganz leicht zu erfüllen sind und an
welchen oft die an und für sich treffliche Arbeit der unserm Beruf fern stehenden
Künstler scheitert. Der Maler wie der Architect sind gewöhnt, ohne allzupeinliche
Rücksicht auf die Schranken des Raumes zu arbeiten, sie lassen ihrer Phantasie
allzuleicht die Zügel schiessen, und daher kommt es, dass die oft angeregte Mitwirkung
solcher Künstler an Erzeugnissen des Buchdrucks verhältnissmässig selten von Erfolg
gekrönt ist. Man kann bei ihren Producten oft erkennen, dass der Erzeuger kein
Fachmann war, man findet sie schön, aber nicht practisch.93
6.2.11 The limitations of this chronicle’s sources
No archival information for the typefaces created by external actors named in this
section has survived. For instance, later typefoundry collaborations I discuss in this
chapter have surviving drawings from their designers available or correspondence
between the designers and the foundries producing and publishing them. For the
typefaces I have just mentioned, I cannot speculate on how much of the products’
appearance can be attributed to the external actors, and how much was contributed by
workers inside the respective typefoundries. In the definition of design I put forward
in chapter three, I wrote that I view designers as people who specified products’
appearances through drawings. The drawings I reproduce later in this chapter from
Peter Behrens and Otto Eckmann do not exactly match the respective Behrensschrift
and Eckmannschrift typefaces. I see that as an implication that additional design
decisions about the typefaces attributed to them were made by the typefoundry’s
type-making staff _ particularly by the punchcutters. Even though no drawings from
these punchcutters survive, I suspect that some specification also came from them.
When it comes to fonts of ornaments, initials, or border-printing elements – which
had less total parts than alphabetic typefaces intended for setting passages of text, and
which were usually produced in a narrower range of sizes, if they were produced in
multiple printing sizes at all – it may be that designers’ drawings were followed more
directly. For instance, there seem to be no differences between the drawings for fonts
of initials designed by Otto Hupp I reproduce later in this chapter and the appearance
of those initials in print; Hupp even made the drawing for these initials at actual size.
When it comes to those initials, I see no possibility for a design role with the foundry’s
type-making staff to have been played. Similar scenarios could also apply to the fonts
of ornaments, initials, and border-printing elements mentioned above, meaning that
they could have been designed entirely by the above-named external designers
without design input from the typefoundry workers. Nevertheless, I can not definitively conclude that without having more source material available.
6.3
Background: Figures for the German book trade’s size around 1900
At the beginning of the twentieth century, Germany had about fifty-five and a half
million inhabitants. There were another thirteen million people in the Empire’s
overseas colonies, “of which 5,000 [were] Europeans, and of these 3,400 [were]
93 Ibid., col. 491–492
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
Germans.”94 The population
of the territory within
Berlin
541
11 687
21.6
Germany’s internal borders
Leipzig
70
5 641
80.6
was twice as high as it had
Hamburg
193
2 187
11.3
been at the close of the
Dresden
104
1 957
18.8
Napoleonic Wars. Prussia was
Munich
99
1 791
18.1
Germany’s largest state,
Cologne
89
1 731
19.4
making up “more than three
Nuremberg
67
1 659
24.7
fifths (sixty-one per cent) of
Stuttgart
67
1 659
24.7
the entire population [around
Hanover
60
1 358
22.6
the year 1900] … [at the same
Breslau
81
1 326
16.4
time] 11 per cent [of Germans
Frankfurt
100
1 250
12.5
were] Bavarians, seven per
Strasbourg
20
774
38.7
cent Saxons, and four per cent
Bremen
40
586
14.6
Wurttembergers.”95 Monika
Estermann reports that
Figure 6.3.1 Letterpress printing statistics in Germany for
ninety-nine per cent of
the year 1895. These thirteen cities had the highest
Prussians around the year
concentration of firms. The chart is sorted by the number of
1890 were literate.96
total people employed in each city. The data in the left-most
In a series of charts
three columns comes from Paris 1900a, p. 72. In the
prepared by Arthur Woernlein
right-most column, I have added average numbers of the
for the catalogue accompanypeople per firm each firm; however, some firms may have
ing Germany’s exhibits at the
been very large, in terms of their staff size, while others may
1900 World’s Fair in Paris,
only have had headcounts in the single digits.
there is a table of “the 13 Great
Printing Centres of the
German Empire with a List of the Book Industry Establishments, and the Persons
occupied in it, for the Year 1895.” [see fig. 6.3.1]97 Woernlein’s data indicates that, in
1895, the German book trades were particularly centred on Berlin, although other
cities employed significant numbers of workers in the sector. Although Berlin had 541
letterpress printing operations, there were a total of 3,384 firms in the city, which – in
one way or another – were engaged in the book trades. These other 2,843 firms
included bookbinderies, copperplate engravers, lithographers, photographers, steel
engravers, typefoundries, wood engravers, and zincographic printers, etc. In total,
28,280 people worked in Berlin’s various printing trades. By comparison, there were
1,482 book-trades businesses operating in Leipzig in 1895, employing 19,796 people.
Frankfurt am Main had 556 such businesses, who employed 4,512.98
Between 1895 and 1907, the number of letterpress printing houses (Buchdruckereien)
in Germany increased from 6,303 to 8,949.99 Correspondingly, the number of people
employed in letterpress printing grew from 80,942 to 134,211 during that time.100 The
number of colour-printing offices using other techniques than letterpress – such as
chromolithography, etc. — more than doubled between 1895 and 1907, growing from
317 businesses that employed 6,794 people to 707 employing 14,725.101 While existing
letterpress-printers would have at least periodically needed to buy new stocks of type,
the thousands of new printing offices opening up would need to acquire a significant
amount of type to begin performing work for customers.102
Location
Firms
Workers
Employees/firm
(average)
94 See Paris 1900a, p. 2–3
95 Ibid., p. 3
96 See Estermann/Schmidt 2016, p. 12
97 See Paris 1900a, p. 72–73
98 Ibid.
99 See Brussels 1910, p. 107
100 Ibid.
101 Ibid.
102 Although he does not give exact figures, Walter Wilkes discusses the significant
277
278
Schriftkünstler
As I mentioned in the introduction to the previous chapter, there were forty-six
independent typefoundries active in German-speaking Europe in 1870, according to
the information in Friedrich Bauer 1914/1928. Inside the territories that unified in 1871
to form the German Empire, there were forty-one independent typefoundries.103
Germany at that time had a population of about forty-one million people,104 which,
for example, was slightly larger than that of the United States in 1870.105 According to
Patricia Cost, forty typefoundries operated in the United States during the late
1870s.106 She describes “the American typefounding industry” of that time as
“congested” and “highly competitive.” Surely the same could be said, then, for typefounding in Germany in the late nineteenth century; German typefoundries operated
in a marketplace of significant internal competition. They also attempted to sell as
much on the export marketplace as possible. The United States’s population growth
quickly outpaced Germany’s; in 1910, it had ninety-two million inhabitants;107 in 1930,
one hundred twenty-three million.108 Germany, on the other hand, grew from
forty-one million to 64.9 million during the years between 1871 and 1910109 – but in its
1925 census, Germany only counted 62.3 million residents (the decrease must have
been due to the number of deaths caused by the First World War, as well as the
territories Germany lost afterwards).110 Cost writes that, by the late 1920s, there were
only fourteen typefoundries in the United States.111
Germany, which by that time only had about half the United States’s population,
still had twenty-two active independent typefoundries in 1928,112 although that figure
costs that fonts of printers’ type represented, especially for smaller printing offices; see
Bertheau 1995, p. xxxiii–xxxiv
103 Together, the neighbouring cities of Frankfurt am Main and Offenbach am Main
had eleven typefoundries between them in 1871. Leipzig had seven at that time, and
Berlin six. Reading Friedrich Bauer 1914/1928, I have compiled the following list of
German typefoundries in operation in 1871, sorted by location: J.D. Trennert & Sohn of
Altona; J.G. Francke, Emil Gursch & Co, Lehmann & Mohr, Ferdinand Theinhardt,
Wilhelm Woellmer, and Gustav Zechendorf of Berlin; Christoph Richter of Cologne;
Gebrüder Klingenberg of Detmold; Ludwig Junge of Erlangen; Bauer, Claus, Flinsch,
Benjamin Krebs Nachfolger, Nies, and Rohm of Frankfurt am Main; Genzsch & Heyse
and J. John Söhne of Hamburg; Böttger, Julius Klinkhardt, Kloberg, Ferdinand Rösch,
Rühl & Koch, J.G. Schelter & Giesecke, and Zierow of Leipzig; Albert Falckenberg &
Comp. of Magdeburg; Jani, Lorenz, and Thoma of Munich; Zanker of Nuremberg; Claus
& van der Heyden, Huck, Roos & Junge, Rudhard, and J.H. Rust & Co. of Offenbach am
Main; Brandt of Quedlinburg; Berge, Von Maur, and Stieß of Stuttgart; and A. Kahle
Söhne and Seyfarth of Weimar.
104 See Volkszählung 1871
105 See Census 1870
106 See Cost 2011, p. 35
107 See Census 1910
108 See Census 1930
109 See Bevölkerung 1913, p. 1
110 See Bevölkerung 1926, p. 1; this figure does not include the population of the
Saarland.
111 See Cost 2011, p. 35
112 From my reading of the information in Friedrich Bauer 1914/1928, the 22 typefoundries in operation in Germany during 1928 were J.D. Trennert & Sohn of Altona;
Gebr. Arndt, H. Berthold AG, and Wilhelm Woellmer of Berlin; the Kölner Schriftgießerei Witwe Sostmann & Fröbus in Cologne; Schriftguß AG, vorm. Brüder Butter of
Dresden; Bauer, Benjamin Krebs Nachfolger, Ludwig & Mayer, and D. Stempel AG of
Frankfurt am Main; Genzsch & Heyse and J. John Söhne of Hamburg; J.G. Schelter &
Giesecke, Ludwig Wagner, and Zierow & Meusch of Leipzig; Dornemann, Magdeburg;
the Magdeburger Gravieranstalt vorm. Edm. Koch & Co. mbH of Magdeburg; Zanker of
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
was down from the thirty-seven firms that had been in business before the outbreak
of war in 1914.113 Walter Wilkes writes that the first nationwide »Delegierten-Tagung«
of German typefoundry workers took place in 1889.114 According to him, there were
seventy-three dependent and independent typefoundries in the country at that time,
which altogether employed 1,100 people.115 The total number of typefoundries
remained relatively unchanged over the next twenty-five years; Friedrich Bauer
reported that there were seventy-four in operation in 1914 (taking dependent and
independent foundries into account).116 By that time, the number of typefoundry
workers had more than doubled, encompassing about 2,680 people, which included
»1,300 Schriftgießer-Faktore und Gehilfen und 200 Lehrlinge, 110 Stempelschneider
und Graveure, 170 Messinglinienarbeiter und 900 Hilfsarbeiter und Arbeiterinnen«.117
I discuss the organisation of labour within German typefounding between 1871 and
1914 in the next chapter.
A “grand chronicle” of Schriftkünstler active between 1871 and 1914, for whose
typeface designs sufficient source material is available
In chapter 1.4, I cited Robin Kinross’s description of typographic history, in which he
stated that “this … is the only [kind of history] to recognize the aesthetic factor in
printing, but it has had the tendency to do little else but view.”118 One criticism of my
research may be that I do not focus on aesthetics – even though I wrote this book as a
doctoral candidate at an arts university. This section, the bulk of this chapter, is a
chronicle of typefaces published by German typefoundries as a result of their collaborations with external designers, for which the most abundant amount of sources have
survived. This degree of available sources pertains to typefaces designed by Peter
Behrens, Otto Eckmann, Otto Hupp, and Heinz König. I explicitly do not address the
“appearances” of their typefaces here. Although I have written short descriptions
briefly summarising the appearances of the typefaces I discuss, and reproduce
surviving drawings to compare with samples of how they appeared when printed, I do
not ask what viewers or readers of documents printed in those types might have
“thought” or “felt” about their appearances. My concern with these typefaces is who
might have been responsible for their designs, and which parts those people would
have been responsible for, as well as why that might have been the case. I do not
6.4
Nuremberg; the Aktiengesellschaft für Schriftgießerei und Maschinenbau, and Gebr.
Klingspor of Offenbach am Main; and C.E. Weber and Otto Weisert of Stuttgart.
113 Based on my reading of Friedrich Bauer 1914/1928, I count 37 independent
typefoundries in operation in Germany in 1914. These were J.D. Trennert & Sohn of
Altona; Gebr. Arndt, F.W. Aßmann, H. Berthold AG, Wilhelm Gronau, Emil Gursch & Co,
A. Reimann, Otto Tech, and Wilhelm Woellmer of Berlin; the Kölner Schriftgießerei
Witwe Sostmann & Fröbus in Cologne; Brüder Butter of Dresden; Bauer, Flinsch,
Benjamin Krebs Nachfolger, Ludwig & Mayer, and D. Stempel AG of Frankfurt am Main;
Genzsch & Heyse and J. John Söhne of Hamburg; Böttger, Heinrich Hoffmeister, Julius
Klinkhardt, Kloberg, C.F. Rühl, J.G. Schelter & Giesecke, Ludwig Wagner, and Zierow &
Meusch of Leipzig; Dornemann and the Magdeburger Gravieranstalt vorm. Edm. Koch
& Co. MbH of Magdeburg; Zanker of Nuremberg; the Aktiengesellschaft für Schriftgießerei und Maschinenbau, Gebr. Klingspor, and Roos & Junge of Offenbach am Main;
Ungerer of Straßburg; Von Maur, C.E. Weber, and Otto Weisert of Stuttgart; and A. Kahle
Söhne of Weimar. However, in Friedrich Bauer 1914b, he wrote that there were 38. Since
that article did not provide a list, I cannot say where the discrepancy lies; see Friedrich
Bauer 1914b, p. 214
114 See Bertheau 1995, p. viii
115 Ibid.
116 Friedrich Bauer 1914b, p. 214
117 Ibid.
118 See Kinross 1992/2004, p. 17
279
280
Schriftkünstler
believe that their appearance – the result of their design – is particularly applicable to
these questions. I take it as self-evident that the designers of these typefaces had
specific aesthetic desires, which they hoped the products would encapsulate, and I will
readily admit that the particular aesthetics of each, or all, of these collaborative
typefaces’ appearances may have evolved in discussions their designers had with the
owners of the typefoundries publishing them, and/or with the workers of those
foundries producing them, yet those are not the questions I ask.
Kinross continued his description by concluding that “one may deride printing
history for its blindness to the visual and its fixation on details of machinery, but it
has at least done its time in the archives; typographic history has tended not to get
beyond the reproduction of products…”119 I mention this because the details in the
following chronicle contain long descriptions of the Schriftkünstler covered therein as
well as of their activities for particular clients. The following chronicle is of type
designers, not typefaces. For this reason, I do not address the typefaces’ aesthetics, and I
think that typographic history and design history – at the time of my writing – would
be better served by methods similar to the meticulous tendencies Kinross ascribed to
historians of printing.
1881
Genzsch & Heyse at Hamburg seems to me to have been the foundry that collaborated
with external individuals on the design of new printing types and ornaments most
often, at least between 1871 and about 1900. Of their collaborators, the most wellknown are Otto Hupp and Heinz König, who as young men were each engaged by
Emil Julius Genzsch to work for the firm. Reflecting in 1933 on the work that Hupp
and König had done for the foundry decades earlier,120 Heinz Beck described those
two individuals as »die ersten Schriftkünstler im heutigen Sinne«.121 Despite the
designers I mentioned in chapter five and in this chapter’s earlier, smaller chronicle, I
agree with Beck and consider Hupp and König to be the first “professional type
designers” to have worked in Germany. While they were not the first external artistic
personalities a German typefoundry collaborated with for the design of new typefaces
or typographic ornaments, none of their predecessors – or contemporaries in the
1880s – seems to have engaged with such work for long. Hupp and König would each
continue to design type into the 1920s. While neither ever worked primarily as a type
designer, type design remained a regular element of their bodies of work.
When Hupp and König began collaborating with Genzsch & Heyse in the 1880s, the
typefoundry’s relationship with them was atypical; however, in the years between
1899 and 1914, such relationships became commonplace. Indeed, it was only from
about 1899 on that typefoundries began to consistently mention their external
collaborators by name in company publications (Genzsch & Heyse included). I
consider Hupp and König’s work for Genzsch & Heyse to be different from those
typefaces created for the same firm by the few collaborators who worked with them
that I mentioned in this chapter’s small chronicle – or those from Albert Anklam122
– their chief punchcutter during the 1870s and 1880s, which I mention in the next
chapter. König, who was just three years older than Hupp, began to deliver designs to
Emil Julius Genzsch at around the same time that Hupp did: either in 1881, or just
before. During his lifetime, König was a more prolific type designer than Hupp, and he
collaborated with more typefoundries. König began designing alphabetic typefaces
intended for text composition earlier than Hupp, too; Genzsch published the Münchner
Renaissance-Fraktur typeface – based on drawings provided by König – in 1885. Their
first such typefaces from Hupp were published in 1899/1900.
119 Ibid.
120 The Genzsch & Heyse typefoundry celebrated its hundredth anniversary in 1933.
121 See Beck 1933, p. 186
122 Carl Hermann Albert Anklam (1842–circa 1931)
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
König’s father Heinrich was a lithographer and a letterpress printer. According to
Bertheau 1995, Heinrich König began working independently in Lüneburg in 1839.123
As the Stern’sche Buchdruckerei had been granted a local privilege, he was not able to open
his own printing house there, so he opened one in Danneberg instead, in 1855. In 1872,
when König was sixteen years old, he began a three-year apprenticeship as a typesetter
in his father’s office.124 As an adolescent, König became interested in the Lüneburg
Ratsbücherei’s manuscript collection.125 After his apprenticeship, König worked as a
journeyman in Braunschweig and Stuttgart; this would have been in the second half
of the 1870s.126 By 1880, he was working for the printer Ferdinand Schlotke in
Hamburg.127 It was likely there that he came into contact with Emil Julius Genzsch –
the owner/director of Genzsch & Heyse – who commissioned him to design two
alphabets of initials in 1881.128 These designs were published by Genzsch & Heyse as
the Nordische Initialen and Gothische Initialen [see figs. 6.4.1–6.4.2]. Both were designed
in the style of the decorative initials commonly found in medieval illuminated
manuscripts and early printed books. It is unclear to me if König might have based
these on specific works he might have seen in the Ratsbücherei, or elsewhere.
The Nordische Initialen were a series of twenty-six Lombardic-style initials, produced
at 72-point size.129 The initials themselves were two-colour, giving the font a total of
fifty-two sorts; for each letter, one of the two sorts contained the shape of the letterform, while the other was square and contained a decorative background around the
letter’s shape. Each letter’s sorts could be printed together, creating a two-colour effect,
or one or the other sort could be used on its own. The Gothische Initialen were similar in
their design to the Nordische Initialen but were produced at a larger size – 84 pt – and
each of the initials could be printed in up to three colours, instead of two.130
1883
Otto Hupp was one of four sons of the Düsseldorf engraver Carl Heinrich Hupp.131
Based on Hupp’s description of his father in his autobiography,132 it seems that Carl
Hupp only achieved limited success; Hupp wrote that this was due to his preference
for the styles of previous centuries over mid-nineteenth-century tastes.133 Carl Hupp’s
engraving studio was probably not as unsuccessful as Hupp made it out to be. In 1872,
when Hupp was about thirteen years old, his older brother Matthias Hupp moved to
Haarlem to work as a punchcutter at the typefoundry inside the Joh. Enschedé en
Zonen printing house – a firm I mentioned in chapter four in conjunction with the
German punchcutters Joan Michaël Fleischman in the eighteenth century and Paul
Helmuth Rädisch in the twentieth. Unfortunately, Matthias Hupp fell ill and only
stayed at Enschedé until 1874, after which he was replaced by another German
punchcutter named Gottlieb Schlegelmilch.134 According to James Mosley, Schlegelmilch135 had been “taught by Carl Hupp.”136 Otto Hupp must have framed his father’s
relative success negatively so that he could contrast it with his career. Indeed, by many
123 See Bertheau 1995, p. 588
124 Ibid.
125 See Rodenberg 1940, p. 35
126 See Bertheau 1995, p. 588
127 Ibid.
128 See Rodenberg 1940, p. 36
129 See Genzsch & Heyse 1908b, p. 339, Garnitur 455
130 Ibid., p. 398, Garnitur 456
131 Carl Heinrich Hupp (1823–1906)
132 See Hupp 1927
133 Ibid., p. 1
134 See Mosley 1990, p. 31 and 51, as well as De Baerdemaeker 2012, p. 1–2
135 Carl Schlegelmilch (born 1858)
136 See Mosley 1900, p. 51
281
Figure 6.4.1 Nordische Initialen
E.J. Genzsch / Genzsch & Heyse, 1881
Figure 6.4.2 Gothische Initialen
E.J. Genzsch / Genzsch & Heyse, 1881
284
Schriftkünstler
professional and societal metrics, Hupp was likely seen as more successful than
anyone else in his family.137
After completing a five-year apprenticeship in engraving – which included a year
of afternoon classes at the Düsseldorf Academy – Hupp moved to Munich in 1878.138
He believed that Munich had a larger, more thriving commercial art community.139
Hupp established himself relatively quickly and began working in Rudolf Seitz’s
studio. As I mentioned earlier, this is where he met Emil Julius Genzsch, probably in
the year 1880.140 Genzsch had taken over the directorship of the Genzsch & Heyse
typefoundry in Hamburg from his father, Johann August Genzsch,141 in 1866.142 The
Munich dependency that operated under his name (E.J. Genzsch) was founded in
1881.143 The Genzsch foundries produced several typefaces – as well as fonts of
border-printing elements, initials, and ornaments – in the style of the Münchner
Renaissance, many of which were based on designs provided by Hupp and König.144
Hupp’s Nachlass in the Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv includes drawings and prints of
two series of ornaments and four series of initials that he drew for Genzsch during the
early 1880s.145 The two ornament-series designs were named the Renaissance-Ornamente146 and the Neue Ornamente;147 the fonts of initials were the Münchner Renaissance-Initialen,148 Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen,149 Renaissance-Initialen,150 and a series
that E.J. Genzsch specimen catalogues just refer to with by name Initialen [see figs.
6.4.3–6.4.23].151 Hupp’s drawings for these ornaments and initials are detailed pencil
137 Otto Hupp and his wife Fanny Eilhammer adopted a daughter. They did not have
any natural children. Perhaps Carl Hupp’s having fathered four sons would have been
seen as something of a personal “achievement” during his and Hupp’s lifetimes.
138 See Hupp 1927, p. 3
139 Ibid., p. 6
140 Ibid., p. 16–17. One of Hupp’s drawings for the Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen
published by Genzsch’s firms is dated 1880; see Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 35 [see fig. 6.4.10].
141 Johann August Genzsch (1800–1869)
142 See the Reichardt 2011 edition of Bauer 1914/1928, p. 70
143 Ibid.
144 See Lange 1939
145 See Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp 2.1.1.1., folders 105 and 106
146 Drawings for Hupp’s Renaissance-Ornamente are in Ibid., folder 105; prints of some
of those are in Ibid., folder 106
147 Genzsch 1890 (no page numbers) includes a specimen of Hupp’s Neue Ornamente;
the product numbers of these ornaments range from 187 through to 199. The drawings
for those ornaments may be found on Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp 2.1.1.1.,
folder 105, sheet 25. Figure 6.4.5 reproduces these same ornaments as shown in Genzsch
1902, p. 426 [see also figs. 6.4.3 and 6.4.4].
148 For prints of some of the Münchner Renaissance-Initialen, see Ibid., folder 106; these
include an alphabet of letters combined with beasts that are devouring things, a motif
that is particularly visible in the P, Q, R and S.
149 Genzsch 1890 (no page numbers) includes Hupp’s Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen; the
product numbers of this series are XXIII, XXIV, XXV, XXVI, XXX, XXXI, XXXII and XXXIII.
For drawings of these initials, see Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp 2.1.1.1., folder
105. Prints of some of the initials are in Ibid., folder 106. Figure 6.4.7 reproduces twenty
of these initials from Genzsch 1902, p. 374; cf. figure 6.4.6
150 Genzsch 1890 (no page numbers) includes Hupp’s Renaissance-Initialen; the product
numbers of this series are XXXVI, XXXVII, XXXVIII and XXXIX. For drawings of these
initials, see Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp 2.1.1.1., folder 105. Prints of some of
these are in Ibid., folder 106
151 For example, see Genzsch 1890 (no page numbers). This includes Hupp’s Initialen;
the product numbers of this series are XLII and XLIII. For drawings of these initials, see
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
and ink-on-paper renderings. I suspect that Genzsch’s punchcutting staff photographed them as they were, made very minor corrections,152 and then transferred the
designs directly to blocks of steel or type metal, after which the “white” or negative
spaces in the design of the initials and ornaments would be engraved away. Based on
the materials in Hupp’s Nachlass, it seems that he made one final ink drawing for each
ornament or initial design. The Genzsch foundries produced types in the same size as
Hupp’s drawings, but also in other sizes. I suspect that they used photographic
enlargement and/or reduction to achieve them. Hupp also made several small books
of his initial letters and other ornaments for commercial artists to copy into their
work; the first of these – Alphabete und Ornamente – was published in Munich by
Bassermann in 1883.153 I suspect, in fact, that Hupp designed his initials for Genzsch
and his copybook pages at the same time; i.e., that he knew from the beginning of that
work that his same drawings would be used for two different purposes. Unfortunately,
Hupp’s Nachlass does not contain any correspondence or other documents pertaining
to these drawings.
In my opinion, these fonts of initials/ornaments – together with König’s Nordische
Initialen and Gothische Initialen – are the first typefoundry products that can be described
as being designed by an external artistic personality: a Schriftkünstler. Although I
named a number of people that had collaborated with the ten German foundries
mentioned in this chapter’s last section – my “small chronicle” – who worked in one
way or another with typefoundries directly on indirectly on the development of new
products, sources do not survive that help me understand exactly how those typefaces
were designed. The drawings reproduced in this section – as well as the correspondence cited and the number of secondary works that discuss them – are sources that do
help me understand how they may have been developed by their designers and
respective typefoundries.
Before industrial techniques were applied to making type – i.e., until the mid-nineteenth century – the preparation of detailed letter-drawings would not have been a
necessary (or even useful) step in the making of a typeface. By industrial techniques, I
mean the ability to enlarge or reduce a drawing by mechanical or photographic
means. Because of this, I believe that detailed drawings, or what I refer to below as
“production drawings,” only became a part of type design and the type-making
process after typefounding’s mechanization. A few type designers’ initial drawings for
individual typefaces from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries are
archived. For example, Otto Hupp’s Nachlass in the Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv at
Munich also includes several likely production drawings, which I reference and
reproduce later in this section. I also analyse and reproduce drawings from Otto
Eckmann and Peter Behrens in this chapter, and those drawings are part of the
collection of the Klingspor Museum in Offenbach am Main. I believe that these
drawings could also be described as “process” drawings, because they show the
designer’s intent, as they tried to find what forms certain letters for a new typeface
should take. The drawings communicated a designer’s intentions to the typefoundry
– and particularly to a typefoundry’s type-making staff. Those foundry employees
Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp 2.1.1.1., folder 105. Prints of some of the initials
are in Ibid., folder 106
152 When comparing e.g., the A in figures 6.4.8 and 6.4.9, the thin lines are thiner
and more even in the printed type than in Hupp’s drawing.
153 See Hupp 1883. The following text appears twice in the book, at its beginning on
page 3 and its end on page 24: »Galvano’s von sämmtlichen, in diesem Hefte enthaltenen Alphabeten und Ornamenten sind in den verschiedensten Größen von der
Schriftgießerei E.J. Genzsch in München zu beziehen.« These were not the only
copybooks that Hupp prepared: almost thirty years later – between 1911 and 1914 – a
series of four booklets entitled Zeichnungen von Otto Hupp was published by G.J. Manz in
Munich; see Hupp 1911–1914
285
286
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.3 (top) Drawing by Otto Hupp for
Figure 6.4.4 Comparison of ornaments from
thirteen of the Neue Ornamente
the drawing above with their printed form, as
E.J. Genzsch, circa 1883
seen in figure 6.4.23 to the right.
Design
figure 6.4.3
Product
figure 6.4.4
Design
figure 6.4.3
Product
figure 6.4.4
Figure 6.4.5 Renaissance-Ornamente, as the Neue Ornamente had been renamed by 1902
E.J. Genzsch, published circa 1883 but shown above on a page printed in 1902
Figure 6.4.6 (top) Drawing by Otto Hupp for the
Figure 6.4.7 Lower half of a type specimen
Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen, erste Serie,
catalogue page showing Garnitur 425 from the
Garnituren XXIII–XXVI; E.J. Genzsch, circa 1883
Renaissance-Initialen, which was originally
published by E.J. Genzsch as the
Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen, erste Serie,
Garnitur XXVI; E.J. Genzsch, 1902
Figure 6.4.8 (top) Drawing by Otto Hupp
Figure 6.4.9 Lower half of a type specimen
for the Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen,
catalogue page showing Garnitur 431 from the
zweite Serie, Garnituren XXIX–XXXII
Renaissance-Initialen, which was originally
E.J. Genzsch, circa 1883
published by E.J. Genzsch as the Deutsche
Renaissance-Initialen, zweite Serie, Garnitur
XXXI; E.J. Genzsch, 1902
290
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.10 (top) Drawing by Otto Hupp for
Figure 6.4.11 Top half of a type specimen
the Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen, dritte Serie,
catalogue page showing Garnitur 433 from the
Garnitur XXXIII; E.J. Genzsch, circa 1883
Renaissance-Initialen, which was originally
published by E.J. Genzsch as the Deutsche
Renaissance-Initialen, dritte Serie, Garnitur
XXXIII; E.J. Genzsch, 1902
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
Figure 6.4.12 (top) Drawing by Otto Hupp for
Figure 6.4.13 Top half of a type specimen
the Renaissance-Initialen, A through U,
catalogue page showing eight initials from
Garnituren 449–452; E.J. Genzsch, circa 1883
Garnitur 451 of the Renaissance-Initialen
E.J. Genzsch, 1902
291
Figure 6.4.14 (top) Rough pencil drawing by
Figure 6.4.15 Top half of a type specimen
Otto Hupp for the Renaissance-Initialen,
catalogue page showing eight initials from
Garnituren 449–452; E.J. Genzsch, circa 1883
Garnitur 451 of the Renaissance-Initialen
E.J. Genzsch, 1902 (repeat of fig. 6.4.13)
Figure 6.4.16 (top) Clean ink drawing by Otto
Figure 6.4.17 (bottom) The drawing’s top
Hupp for the Renaissance-Initialen, A through U,
row has Otto Hupp’s designs for the letters
Garnituren 449–452; E.J. Genzsch, circa 1883
V through Z for the Renaissance-Initialen,
(repeat of fig. 6.4.12)
Garnituren 449–452; E.J. Genzsch, circa 1883
Figure 6.4.18 (top) Drawing by Otto Hupp for
Figure 6.4.19 Top half of a type specimen
the Renaissance-Initialen, Garnituren XXXVI–
catalogue page showing Garnitur 438 from the
XXXIX; E.J. Genzsch, circa 1883
Renaissance-Initialen, originally published as
Garnitur XXXVIII; E.J. Genzsch, 1902
Figure 6.4.20 (top) The top row of the above
Figure 6.4.21 (bottom) Comparison of
image is a drawing by Otto Hupp for the
drawings for four initials from fig. 6.4.18 with
Renaissance-Initialen, Garnituren XXXVI–
finished initials produced in the same size
XXXIX; this sheet also contains drawings for two
(Garnitur 438, from fig. 6.4.19). Note that the
of the Renaissance-Ornamente (the long
B and the E in the second row were printed
horizontal ornaments underneath the lowercase
two-colour in this specimen.
alphabet); E.J. Genzsch, circa 1883
Design, figure 6.4.18
Product, figure 6.4.19
Figure 6.4.22 Drawing by Otto Hupp for the
Figure 6.4.23 Bottom half of a type specimen
Initialen, Garnituren XLII–XLIII
catalogue page showing Garnitur 443 from the
E.J. Genzsch, circa 1883
Renaissance-Initialen, originally published as
Garnitur XLIII; E.J. Genzsch, 1902
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
would still need to interpret these drawings somewhat before the finished products
could be arrived at. An idea of the size of the degree of interpretation is visible when
finished, the printed type is compared with the original drawings. The differences
brought about by that kind of comparison are best summarised by Walter Wilkes, who
writes that:
Wenn Künstler [z.B. Maler, Architekten, Plakatkünstler und Kunstgewerbler] Entwürfe
an die Schriftgießerei lieferten, waren es in der Regel mehr oder weniger saubere
Zeichnungen, die den Grundcharakter der neuen Schriften zeigten. Sie ließen sich
nicht wie eine Reproduktionsarbeit direkt in Lettern umwandeln, sondern es bedurfte
dafür weiterhin der einschlägigen Erfahrung und der mühseligen Detailarbeit von
Stempelschneidern. Vergleiche zwischen Entwurf und Endprodukt belegen das.154
Early freelance designers’ drawings were rarely accurate enough to be photographically transferred as-is onto a blank punch for engraving. That changes were necessary
does not surprise me; the designers hired by German typefoundries to develop new
types in the 1880s, 1890s, and during the first years of the twentieth century rarely had
previous experience designing printers’ types. Although many of them had been
active as commercial letterers, they were not as familiar with the production process
of printing types as foundry-trained punchcutters.
1885
König moved to Munich in 1881, where he would work until 1887. According to Julius
Rodenberg, he was close to Otto Hupp during those years – and like Hupp, to Georg
Hirth and Rudolf Seitz.155 In 1885, Genzsch’s firms published the Münchner Renaissance-Fraktur [see fig. 6.4.24],156 an ornamental Fraktur typeface that was the first of at
least seventeen typefaces intended for text composition that König would design in
his career.157 Its decorative aspects are visually similar to the style of book illustration
practised by Hupp and Seitz in the early and mid-1880s. As a product, it was likely for
printers who also wanted to produce work in the Münchner Renaissance style. According
to Hendlmeier 2014, König based the design of Münchner Renaissance-Fraktur on a Fraktur
that Gustav Lorenz had designed and cut around 1850, which he published through his
own Munich foundry.158 In turn, Lorenz based his design on the early sixteenth
century Fraktur from Johann Schönsperger159 used to set “the Gebetbuch for Maximilian I. in 1508–13.”160
Presuming that this is indeed how the Münchner Renaissance-Fraktur came about,
perhaps the first typeface that König designed for text composition was an adaptation
of an existing product because revising a preexisting design could have been easier for
him than to start “from scratch.” Before Münchner Renaissance-Fraktur, König had not
designed a typeface for text composition, but he designed several more afterwards. I
believe that he would have learned how to make his later typefaces through the
154 Ibid., p. xxviii–xix
155 See Rodenberg 1940, p. 36
156 See Genzsch & Heyse 1908a, p. 32
157 Süß 1999 (no page numbers) includes a list of eighteen typefaces designed by
Heinz König between 1881 and 1928. The first entry of that table is »2 Initial-Alphabete«;
although he does not give their names, these are the Nordische Initialen and Gothische
Initialen mentioned above. I do not consider these sets of initials to be “typefaces,” since
they were not intended for use in compose continuous text, which would have been the
case for the remaining seventeen entries on the list.
158 See Hendlmeier 2014, p. 62–63. For details on Lorenz, see the Reichardt 2011 edition
of Bauer 1914/1928, p. 112
159 Johann Schönsperger (1455–1521)
160 See FontsInUse (undated); Maximilian I (1459–1519) became Holy Roman Emperor
in 1493
297
298
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.24 Münchner Renaissance-Fraktur
E.J. Genzsch / Genzsch & Heyse, 1885
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
experiences he gained in his first. Perhaps revising an older Fraktur type allowed him
to learn the process easily and more quickly. Revising an existing typeface in this way
seems similar to me to how the Halbfette Midolline, published by Flinsch in 1874, must
itself have also been developed. As I illustrate in figure 5.12.2, that typeface seems to
have mixed traits from Trowitzsch & Sohn’s 1854 Schmale Midolline with the Fette Bastard
that Haenel/Gronau published between about 1868 and 1871.
1888
König also collaborated with Genzsch on the design of two typefaces published in
1888: Römische Antiqua – for which he only drew the lowercase letters – and Deutsche
Druckschrift [see figs. 6.4.25–6.4.26]. Römische Antiqua was an old-style serif intended
for use as book text. Its capital letters had been published on their own in 1885; they
had been designed – and probably also cut – by Genzsch & Heyse’s punchcutter Albert
Anklam, before Anklam returned to Berlin.161 The Deutsche Druckschrift letterforms
seem to combine Fraktur and Schwabacher features; Genzsch & Heyse’s catalogues
promoted it as a particularly legible typeface, claiming that it was a »Beitrag zur
Augen-Hygiene.«162 Catalogue pages displaying specimen of the typeface include the
sub-heading »Versuch einer gut lesbaren Deutschen Schrift verglichen mit gewöhnlicher moderner Fraktur-Schrift.«163 This sort of claim – or any statement about a
typeface’s particular usefulness was an uncommon feature in German type specimen
catalogues from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, but not an entirely
isolated one. As I mentioned in this chapter’s “small chronicle,” the Danzig-based
Kafemann foundry published two typefaces designed by the ophthalmologist Dr
Schneller in 1886 and 1891, which were also supposed to be easy on the eyes.
As König had returned to Lüneburg in 1887 to take over his father’s printing
house,164 I am not sure if he designed the Römische Antiqua lowercase and Deutsche
Druckschrift while still in Munich, in Lüneburg, or if their processes were long enough
that they occupied time on both ends of his move. I have not found any mention of
typefaces by König being published over the decade following these two typefaces’
release, either at Genzsch’s firms or elsewhere. Perhaps the running of his family’s
printing business was so time-consuming that it left him with no time for type
design, or perhaps no typefounders were interested in collaborating with him.
1899
Hupp’s artistic career began in the late 1870s and lasted until the 1940s. In that more
than a half-century, he worked in many media, from decorative wall-painting to
metalwork, and from designing brewery symbols to liturgical books for state churches.
This breadth of his work was presented most-recently in a 1984 catalogue for a solo
exhibition at the Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.165 He must have been one of the most
prolific craftsmen working in the Kunstgewerbe sector in Germany during his lifetime.
Heraldic illustrations were his primary focus, and from 1885 until 1936, he produced
fifty issues of the Münchner Kalender, his illustrated heraldic-calendar series. His
seven-volume illustrated journal, Die Wappen und Siegel der deutschen Städte, Flecken und
Dörfer, was published between 1896 and 1928. In the 1890s, he designed the first two of
his twelve alphabetic typefaces.166 He would use his typefaces in many of the later
161 See Bertheau 1995, p. 5, 10, and 579
162 See Genzsch & Heyse 1908b, p. 318–321
163 Ibid.
164 See Rodenberg 1940, p. 36
165 See Korn/Schmeißer 1984
166 These were Neudeutsch and Numismatisch. According to Hoefer/Reichardt
(undated), the twelve alphabetic typefaces of Hupp’s design published between 1900 and
1922 were, in alphabetical order, Heraldisch, Hupp-Antiqua, Hupp-Fraktur, Hupp-Schrägschrift,
299
300
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.25 (top) Römische Antiqua
Figure 6.4.26 Deutsche Druckschrift, originally
Genzsch & Heyse, 1888
published by the Genzsch foundries in 1888
E.J. Genzsch catalogue, 1902 (with attribution!)
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
books that he designed. These tended to be liturgical books, such as the 1902 Evangelisches Gesangbuch für Elsaß-Lothringen, or the above-mentioned heraldic publications.
Hupp’s first two designs for typefaces intended to be used for text composition
were released by Genzsch & Heyse and E.J. Genzsch around the year 1899; these were
Neudeutsch and Numismatisch [see figs. 6.4.27–6.4.30]. The firm would release a third
typeface of Hupp’s in 1907 – Heraldisch – but by that time, he had switched his representation to the Rudhard/Klingspor typefoundry of Offenbach am Main. Hupp’s
Nachlass in the Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv does not contain any preliminary or
production drawings for these typefaces.167 For Neudeutsch, I think it is very likely that
Hupp provided Genzsch’s employees with rough pencil and ink drawings of most
letters in the fonts’ character sets, and that the typefoundry’s staff punchcutters
interpreted how the forms of each character in the typeface would exactly appear on
their own, referring these drawings. Since Hupp’s Nachlass does not contain any
drawings for this typeface, perhaps those were all kept by Genzsch; as I mentioned in
chapter two, Genzsch & Heyse’s corporate archive was destroyed during a 1943 bombing of Hamburg.168 If he had made production drawings for the typeface to send to
Genzsch instead, he might have kept and archived the looser preliminary sketches.
Genzsch & Heyse only distributed one font of Numismatisch, in 8-point size. The
typeface was intended for use in scholarly publications where medieval inscriptions
would be transcribed;169 it would give the text a more proper form for those transcriptions than standard printing types could. Since Numismatisch was limited to this small
area of intended use, the number of sorts in its fonts was lower than average. Numismatisch shipped with only one hundred two sorts, instead of a number closer to two
hundred.170 Hupp’s Neudeutsch is a hybrid design, mixing elements of gothic, Schwabacher, and roman letters. Many of the typefaces published around the year 1900 would
for decades afterwards be called neudeutsche Schriften,171 especially because another
typeface designed and cut by Georg Schiller at the Reichsdruckerei for the composition
of the catalogue for the German exhibits at the 1900 Paris World’s Fair172 had also been
named Neudeutsch. Both Schiller and Hupp’s Neudeutsch designs were blackletter/
roman hybrids – not dissimilar to the Midolline types I discussed in chapter five.
Although created at the Reichsdruckerei, whose typefoundry cast for the printing house’s
internal needs,173 Schiller’s Neudeutsch was made available for any printer who wanted
Hupp-Unziale, Huppschrift, Kegelschrift, Keilschrift, Liturgisch, Neudeutsch, Numismatisch, and
Tam-Tam.
167 In his monograph on Hupp, William H. Lange reproduced what was obstensibly
an 1894 drawing by Hupp for his Numismatisch typeface [see fig. 6.4.29]; however, I have
not been able to locate this drawing in Hupp’s Nachlass. See Lange 1940, p. 54
168 Genzsch & Heyse closed their Munich dependency in 1930.
169 In his autobiography, Hupp wrote that »[die Numismatisch] hat lediglich den
Zweck, zur Wiedergabe mittelalterliche Münz-, Siegel- und Steininschriften zu dienen,
konnte also von vornherein keine weitere Verbreitung finden.« See Hupp 1927, p. 18
170 See Genzsch & Heyse 1908b, p. 491
171 For example, see the section of Neudeutsche Schriften in Wetzig 1926, p. 67–72, which
lists sixty-four different typefaces.
172 See Paris 1900a
173 Unlike as was the case for so many of Germany’s commercial foundries, the
Reichsdruckerei type-making materials survived the Second World War. The foundry’s
matrices are part of the collection at the Museum für Druckkunst Leipzig, but I have not
inquired there about this typeface’s matrices. The Reichsdruckerei punches are at the
Stiftung Deutsches Technikmuseum Berlin. As of this writing, I have begun to catalogue that
collection of punches (see Reynolds 2019e); Schiller’s Neudeutsch punches are in the
museum’s collection, but not in a cabinet I have finished cataloguing yet; see Stiftung
Deutsches Technikmuseum Berlin (Dauerausstellung Schreib- und Drucktechnik)
1/2018/0342
301
Figure 6.4.27 Neudeutsch
Genzsch & Heyse 1899/1900
Figure 6.4.28 Numismatisch
Genzsch & Heyse 1899/1900
Figure 6.4.29 (top) Drawing by Otto Hupp for
Figure 6.4.30 Numismatisch
Numismatisch; Genzsch & Heyse 1899/1900
Genzsch & Heyse 1899/1900
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
to buy it. The J. John Söhne and C.F. Rühl typefoundries of Hamburg and Leipzig
must have been permitted to buy duplicate matrices for the design, as they began
distributing it. Hupp was not pleased that another typeface could come on the market
under the Neudeutsch name, and he complained to Genzsch about the matter.174
Did Hupp write out Neudeutsch’s letterforms with a broad pen or brush while he
was designing the typeface? Although later typographic authors like Rodenberg and
Schauer used calligraphic terminology to describe the typeface,175 it seems unlikely to
me that this was the case. If process drawings from Hupp for Neudeutsch had survived,
it would be easier to compare its development with that of Eckmann’s Eckmannschrift
and Behrens’s Behrensschrift, which each came out relatively shortly after Neudeutsch,
and which I discuss at more length below. Although Hupp’s Nachlass does not contain
any drawings for Neudeutsch, it does contain process drawings for lettering jobs that he
performed. In those cases, his letterforms are drawn, not written; for instance, a sheet
in his Nachlass illustrates a lettering technique he may have used in multiple commercial projects.176 This shows two lettering attempts for the words »Internationale
Kunstausstellung« [see fig. 6.4.31]. In the top row, most of the letters have not been
filled in. Only their outlines – in red-coloured pencil – are visible. While the letters that
have been filled in do seem to have been slowly and evenly written with a flat brush, a
close look at the sheet shows that the letter outlines have been filled or drawn in. A
drawing like this would surely have been intended to be photographed and then
reduced before the design would be reproduced as an etching for the printer. Another
sheet in the same archival folder has what appears to be “camera-ready artwork” for
the title of Hupp’s 1921 book Runen und Hakenkreuz: Archäologische Studie mit heraldischen
Schlußfolgerungen [see fig. 6.4.32].177 The two sheets I have just described seem to
illustrate the same working process that Hupp’s early 1880s drawings for Genzsch
initials and ornaments suggest. Finally, in a draft for a 1914 letter to Privy Councillor
Heinrich Görte, director of the Reichsdruckerei – written fourteen to fifteen years after
Neudeutsch was released – Hupp wrote that he was not a calligrapher.178
Hupp had some experience cutting punches of letters for use in seal-making in his
father’s workshop. In his autobiography, Hupp wrote:
Wenn es im elterlichen Haus an Aufträgen fehlte, dann mußte ich die Buchstaben des
Alphabets auf einzelne Stahlstempel (Punzen) schneiden und die härten, um damit die
Umschriften in die Siegelstempel einzuschlagen. … das Schneiden, Härten und
Einschlagen der Stahlstempel des Graveurs war ja ganz das Gleiche, was der Schriftgießer macht, um so die Matrizen zum Gießen seiner Lettern zu bekommen. So kam ich
schon mit einem gewissen Verständnis dessen, was der Schriftgießer und damit der
Buchdrucker braucht, nach München.179
Mentions of his family’s connections to actual typographic punchcutting – be they his
brother Matthias’s two years in Haarlem or anything else – are not part of the narrative
in Hupp’s autobiography.
174 See the draft of his letter to Emil Julius Genzsch on the matter in Bayerisches
Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp 3, item 1989, p. 20–21. Today, font makers can register their
typeface names as trademarks. For an example, see Monotype Trademarks (no page
numbers).
175 See Rodenberg 1940, p. 61 and Schauer 1963, p. 41
176 See Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp 2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 38
177 Ibid., sheet number 40
178 See Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp 3, item 1990, p. 327–328
179 See Hupp 1927, p. 12–13
303
304
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.31 Untitled sketches
Otto Hupp, undated
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
305
306
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.32 Larger than final-print-size drawing; camera-ready artwork for the title of Hupp 1921;
Otto Hupp, undated
1900 (König)
According to Rodenberg, it was Karl Klingspor who first encouraged König to begin
designing typefaces again, during the late 1890s.180 In 1900, the Rudhard/Klingspor
typefoundry published König’s Walthari, a decorative Schwabacher typeface, accompanied by a series of ornaments [see fig. 6.4.33].181 Rudhard/Klingspor was the second
of eight typefoundries that König would collaborate with throughout his career.182 He
designed a second typeface for Rudhard/Klingspor, his König-Antiqua, which was
released in 1905 [see fig. 6.4.34]. Rodenberg called this an »eine im modernen Sinn
umgestaltete Unziale«,183 which I find interesting in light of the Hupp-Unziale typeface
the same firm would publish four years later [see fig. 6.4.35]. Rodenberg stated that
the development time for König-Antiqua had taken six years, which he explained as
»wieder ein Beispiel für die sorgfältige und unermüdliche Arbeit, die die [Rudhard/
180 See Rodenberg 1940, p. 37
181 See Walthari 1900
182 Aside from Genzsch’s firms and the Rudhard/Klingspor typefoundry, König
designed typefaces published by J.D. Trennert & Sohn of Altona, H. Berthold AG and
Emil Gursch of Berlin, D. Stempel AG of Frankfurt am Main, Julius Klinkhardt of
Leipzig, and the Aktiengesellschaft für Schriftgießerei und Maschinenbau in Offenbach
am Main. Two typeface families of his design were also produced in matrices for
machine-typesetting with the Linotype; see Hoefer/Reichardt (undated)
183 See Rodenberg 1940, p. 38
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
Klingspor] Schriftgießerei ihren Erzeugnissen angedeihen ließ.«184 That amount of
time was almost three times the length the foundry needed to produce Walthari;
perhaps it took several years for König to deliver letterforms that Klingspor was
satisfied enough with to publish. In fact, around the mid-point of those six years,
König would collaborate with another Offenbach typefoundry – the Aktiengesellschaft
für Schriftgießerei und Maschinenbau – who published his Germania typeface in 1903.185
Was König already frustrated with Klingspor after just a few years of collaboration? In
his In der Schmiede der Schrift, Rodenberg wrote that Klingspor and König had a friendly
relationship, which they kept up by mail (presumably for years, if not decades).186 Yet,
by the time that book was published, König was already dead; the Klingspor Museum’s
collection does not contain correspondence between Klingspor and König, with which
Rodenberg’s assertion might be verified.
Although König did not publish any more typefaces with Rudhard/Klingspor after
König-Antiqua, Rodenberg wrote that he contributed to the design of two other
Rudhard/Klingspor typefaces: Offenbacher Fraktur and Offenbacher Kursiv, which were
intended to match the firm’s Offenbacher Schwabacher, a typeface that the foundry had
published around 1900 [see figs. 6.4.36–6.4.37].187 Frustratingly, Rodenberg’s text
does not give any details on the nature of König’s role in those typefaces’ design; he
only wrote that »die Offenbacher Fraktur gehört … zu den Schriften, die mehrere Male
neu geschnitten wurden, bis sie eine Klingspor ganz befriedigende Form angenommen hatten«.188 Few Rudhard/Klingspor foundry publications mention König’s role
in the design of either of those typefaces or even attribute them to him.189 The
Klingspor Museum’s collections do not include drawings for Walthari, König-Antiqua,
Offenbacher Fraktur, Offenbacher Kursiv, or any of König’s typefaces.
Rodenberg’s four-page summary of König’s type-design work primarily focuses on
his collaboration with Karl Klingspor and the Rudhard/Klingspor foundry;190 aside
from the König-Type published by Emil Gursch of Berlin (beginning in 1907)191 and
König-Schwabacher (1912, also through Gursch; see figure 6.4.38), Rodenberg did not
discuss any typefaces based on König’s designs produced after his period of collaboration with Rudhard/Klingspor had ended. No similar accounts of König’s work with
more information have yet been published; Harald Süß’s six-page article on König
repeats many of the details from Rodenberg 1940; for its text on König’s work after
1906, it merely offers the release dates and foundry attributions.192
184 Ibid.
185 See Süß 1999 (no page numbers)
186 Ibid.
187 See Rodenberg 1940, p. 38
188 Ibid.
189 To date, I have seen one Rudhard/Klingspor specimen attributing the Offenbacher
Kursiv design to König. An undated specimen, its title page reads: »Offenbacher Kursiv
nach Zeichnung von Heinz König Rudhardsche Gieszerei in Offenbach am Main«. See
Rudhard (undated).
190 See Rodenberg, p. 35–38
191 Curiously, a 9-Cicero sized font of the König-Type (schmalhalbfett style) may be found
in the letterpress printing workshop at the Braunschweig University of Art. It is the
only font of type from the Emil Gursch foundry in the school’s collection.
192 See Süß 1999 (no page numbers)
307
Figure 6.4.33 (top) Walthari
Figure 6.4.34 (bottom left) König-
Figure 6.4.35 (bottom right)
Rudhard/Klingspor, circa 1900
Antiqua; Rudhard/Klingspor, 1905
Hupp-Unziale; Rudhard/Klingspor 1910
Figure 6.4.36 Offenbacher Fraktur
Figure 6.4.37 Offenbacher Schwabacher; Leipzig
Rudhard/Klingspor, circa 1902
punchcuttery of Kurt Wanschura and Rudhard/
Klingspor, circa 1902
Figure 6.4.38 König-Schwabacher
Emil Gursch, 1910
310
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.39 Eckmannschrift
Rudhard/Klingspor, 1900
Figure 6.4.40 Cover of Die Woche
Verlag von August Scherl, 1899
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
1900 (Eckmann)
The story of Klingspor’s commissioning of the Eckmannschrift [see fig. 6.4.39] from
Otto Eckmann during the spring of 1899 has been published multiple times.193
According to Hans Adolf Halbey’s retelling, the cover of the weekly magazine Die Woche
caught Klingspor’s attention before he embarked on a trip to Magdeburg. Die Woche’s
cover design centred around an illustrated seven [see fig. 6.4.40]. Once Klingspor
arrived in Magdeburg, the printer Paul Wohlfeld provided him with Eckmann’s address
in Berlin. Eckmann was a painter, interior decorator, and printing-ornament designer.
Klingspor tracked him down in Berlin in person.194 Although Eckmann had already
created sketches of alphabets in 1895 [see figs. 6.4.41–6.4.43],195 there is no evidence
that he had shown these to any typefounders. Indeed, they may have only been
preparatory sketches for his lettering work, such as an 1896 piece he designed for the
magazine PAN [see figs. 6.4.44–6.4.45];196 nor is there any evidence that he had
even shown a particular desire to one day design a typeface. The initiative was with
Klingspor, and Klingspor came to him.197 Dagmar Welle sees Klingspor’s commissioning of the Eckmannschrift as nothing less than a complete roll-reversal, writing that,
»die wichtige Person für die Entstehung der Eckmann-Schrift war nicht, wie man
erwarten möchte, der Künstler selbst, sondern der Auftraggeber«.198 Halbey,199 who
had briefly worked as the last marketing director of the Gebr. Klingspor typefoundry
in the 1950s, and who later became the Klingspor Museum’s director, assigned a
significant creative role to Karl Klingspor in the typeface’s development, too. Halbey
viewed Klingspor as an artist, as well as a businessman, writing that »insofern ist Karl
Klingspors persönlicher Anteil am Gelingen der bald berühmten Schriften ein
durchaus künstlerischer … das gesamte von ihm initiierte und geleitete Schriftenprogramm [trägt] seinen persönlichen Stempel.«200 While I agree with Welle and Halbey,
I do not consider Klingspor to have been the only German typefoundry director
around the beginning of the twentieth century to have played such an active “designing” role in their companies’ product development. Andreas Hansert’s 2009 biography
of Georg Hartmann, who became the owner and director of the Bauer typefoundry in
Frankfurt am Main in 1898, portrays Hartmann as a businessman who modelled
himself on Karl Klingspor directly, and who also cultivated working relationships with
artists for the benefit of his business.201 Although no secondary sources portray Emil
Julius Genzsch as having played as direct of a designing role in his firms’ typefaces as
Klingspor or Hartmann might have, I believe that his relationships with Hupp and
193 For example, see AfB 1902, p. 323; Rodenberg 1926, p. 7–9; Lange 1938b, p. 426;
Rodenberg 1940, p. 39; Klingspor 1949, p. 17–18; Tiemann 1950, p. 302; Leitmeier 1959, p.
187–188; Savigny 1993, p. 77–82; and Welle 1997, p. 80–82
194 See Halbey 1991, p. 31–32
195 See Simmen 1982, p. 19, 36, 56, and 74; see also Welle 1997, p. 74–75. The Museum für
Kunst und Gewerbe Hamburg has a set of alphabet drawings by Eckmann in its collection,
too. These seem similar to the SMB-PK Kunstbibliothek’s drawings reproduced in Simmen
1982, p. 74 than to the Eckmann drawing for the Eckmannschrift in the Klingspor Museum
[see fig. 6.4.46]. Nevertheless, the Museum für Kunst und Gewerbe Hamburg views their
drawings as being »Vorformen der ›Eckmann‹-Schrift« and dates them to circa
1899/1900; see Spielmann et al 1979, vol. 1, p. 416. In the SMB-PK’s copy of Ibid., a
handwritten note in pencil (from a curator?) dates those to 1895–1900 instead.
196 See Eckmann 1896
197 Similarly, in the mid-1920s, Stanley Morison convinced the English sculptor Eric
Gill to begin designing typefaces for the British Monotype Corporation; see Barker 1972,
p. 196–197
198 See Welle 1998, p. 80
199 Hans Adolf Halbey (1922–2003)
200 See Halbey 1991, p. 31
201 See Hansert 2009, p. 47–49
311
312
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.41 (top left) Design for an alphabet
Figure 6.4.42 (top right) Design for an
Drawing by Otto Eckmann, 1895
alphabet; drawing by Otto Eckmann, 1895
Figure 6.4.43 Design for an alphabet
Drawing by Otto Eckmann, 1895
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
König from the 1880s on may have been like Klingspor’s with Behrens, Eckmann,
Hupp, and König twenty years later.
Eckmann had been born in 1865 into a Hamburg patrician family. Against his
father’s wishes, he enrolled first at the local Kunstgewerbeschule, and later at the Nuremberg Kunstgewerbeschule and Munich Kunstakademie. Eckmann was able to start a
successful career as a painter in Munich, winning a gold medal at the 1895 Münchner
Glaspalastausstellung for his 1894 painting Die vier Lebensalter.202 Like Peter Behrens,
whose type designs are discussed below, Eckmann was a founding member of the
Munich Secession. Also like Behrens, he began moving away from painting in the
mid-1890s, toward Kunstgewerbe work – particularly interior decoration and the design
of ornaments and illustrations for books and magazines.203 In 1897, Eckmann left
Munich for Berlin; he had been named professor for Wanddekoration at the Unterrichtsanstalt des Kunstgewerbemuseums, the city’s Kunstgewerbeschule.204 Eckmann married into
the Prussian aristocracy in 1888;205 his wife Marie Else206 was one of two daughters of
General Hans von Kretschmann and Jenny von Gustedt.
In his Kunstgewerbe work, Eckmann employed a formal language informed by
natural elements, and not mimicking earlier Western European historical styles; he
was inspired by Japanese woodcut prints, and his works bear similarities to those of
other artists who worked in a curvilinear art nouveau style, such as Alfons Mucha or
Henry van de Velde.207 Having accepted Klingspor’s typeface commission, Eckmann
prepared a design in the same style as the ornaments he had created for his book and
periodical clients. The letters in his design for the Eckmannschrift featured undulating
curves that seem to have been written with a brush, and not a pen or other drafting
instrument.208 Nevertheless, I do not believe that this was the result of any particular
belief about a proper tool, with which all letters should be designed; instead, having
come from a painting background, he may have just felt particularly adept at brushwriting. After all, in the introduction to the brochure that the Rudhard/Klingspor
typefoundry published in 1900 to promote the Eckmannschrift, Eckmann wrote that
»unsere Lettern werden geschnitten und nicht geschrieben. Für die künstlerische
Arbeit, welche als Muster dient, ist es durchaus gleichgültig, ob sie mit Hülfe der Feder
oder des Pinsels hergestellt ist.«209
Eckmann seems to have used roman letterforms as a starting point for his design,
rather than Fraktur – although there are roman, Fraktur, and uncial-style letters side-byside in the typeface. For example, the capital letters A B and K, as well as the lowercase
d and k seem to me to be more inspired by roman type. C G H I and S, as well as a b c e
and g, use forms that are more common to Fraktur letters, while the capital D E N T
and U may have been inspired by uncial forms. The finished typeface was almost
certainly seen as being too exotic for long passages of texts intended for reading and
books; however, the Eckmannschrift seems to have been picked up for use in advertising
and jobbing printing. While the Eckmannschrift is one of the few artistic typefaces from
this period to have never fallen out of use completely – Monotype distributes a digital
version of the typeface today – its initial popularity with printers was probably
short-lived. Looking back on it in 1940, Rodenberg wrote that, »so ist es nicht verwunderlich, daß der Eckmannschrift nur eine kurze Ruhmeszeit beschieden war und sie
bald durch andere Schriften, die vielleicht ebenso originell waren, aber auf die Bedürf202 See Savigny 1993. p. 7–10
203 Ibid., 12–15, as well as Schauer 1969, p. 317–318
204 See Savigny 1993, p. 21–23
205 Ibid., p. 24–25
206 »Marie Else von Kretschmann (1878–1920) gen. Mascha«; Ibid., p. 176
207 See Rodenberg 1940, p. 41 as well as Cho 1988 and Studer 2016
208 As early as 1900, the year of the Eckmannschrift’s release, trade press authors
reported on Eckmann’s use of a brush to design the letters; see Kühl 1900, p. 239
209 See Eckmann 1900 (no page numbers)
313
314
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.44 »Heimweh«, a poem by Hans Bruckner
Lettering and border drawn by Otto Eckmann, 1896
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
Figure 6.4.45 »Heimweh«, a poem by Hans Bruckner
Lettering and border drawn by Otto Eckmann, 1896
315
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
nisse der Drucker und Leser mehr Rücksicht nahmen, verdrängt wurde.«210 Welle,
however, wrote in 1997 that the Eckmannschrift experienced a »beispiellosen Erfolg«.211
Rodenberg and Welle’s comments are not mutually exclusive: the unprecedented
success was indeed probably short-lived, as other artistic typefaces came into fashion
later.
The Eckmannschrift was published in sixteen sizes, from Nonpareille through
8-Cicero.212 Today, the Klingspor Museum in Offenbach has one large process drawing
for the Eckmannschrift in its collection [see fig. 6.4.46].213 This drawing was almost
certainly made by Eckmann himself; it is signed with his initials and dated the sixth of
November 1899. A 41.5 × 29.5 centimetre board, several strips of ink drawings on paper
have been pasted on it. On these, there are drawings for the uppercase and lowercase
letters of the alphabet, as well as a long-s, the numerals zero through nine, punctuation marks, several ligatures, and alternate versions for a few of the letters, too. The
capital letters are drawn at about a forty-millimetre height. It would seem that each
letterform was painted in black ink, with a brush. Afterwards, it seems that each letter
was outlined with a darker black ink; these outlines may have been applied with a
pointed pen. The museum’s collection also has three sheets of sketches for a handful
of letters. On these, E, F, H, Q, SCH, ST, SZ, and ß are drawn in ink and A, B, CK, E, F,
M, R, T, S, U, and t are drawn in pencil.214 On these single sheets, some characters are
only drawn with loose pencil strokes, while others have had black outlines applied
around pencil sketches, and some have also been filled in with ink, seemingly applied
with a brush. There are many subtle differences in the letter shapes between
Eckmann’s drawings and the forms present in the Eckmannschrift [see fig. 6.4.47]. The
lines along the horizontals have been straightened out in the final type; in the drawings, more rounded and arched elements are visible. The general rectilinearity of the
typographic forms helps the Eckmannschrift’s characters harmonise with one another in
texts; more so than what would have been the case if the original drawings had been
directly translated into metal.
A half-century after the production of the Eckmannschrift, Karl Klingspor reflected
on the difficulties that he had with his employees, as they attempted to realise the
typeface’s design. He wrote:
In der eigenen Firma … stießen meine Absichten auf starken Widerspruch, und auch
die Durchführung der Eckmann gestellten Aufgabe ergab recht erhebliche Schwierigkeiten. Auf der einen Seite die Eigenwilligkeit des Künstlers, der ohne jede Kenntnis der
technischen Möglichkeiten und Bedingungen des Schriftschaffens zunächst nur darauf
hinarbeitete, jeden einzelnen Buchstaben so originell wie möglich zu gestalten. Es war
nicht leicht, ihn zu überzeugen, das noch wichtiger als besonders charakteristische
Einzelformen deren Zusammenpassen zu einem harmonischen Gesamtbild ist, und
schönen Wort- und Satzbildern unter Umständen recht eigenartige Buchstaben
geopfert werden müssen zugunsten weniger eigenartiger. Auf der anderen Seite
Stempelschneider, technisch geschickt, aber so an schablonenhafte Arbeit gewöhnt und
unter dem Einfluß hemmender Regeln stehend, dazu sehr geneigt, an jeder Form so
lange herumzufeilen und zu glätten, bis ihr die letzte persönliche Note genommen war.
So ward es schwer für sie, Form unbefangen zu sehen und die Absichten des Künstlers
210 See Rodenberg 1940, p. 43–44
211 See Welle 1997, p. 131
212 The Eckmannschrift’s sixteen type sizes ranged from 6 through 96 Didot points.
213 See Klingspor Museum 2004134-1. Some of the letters and numerals from this
drawing are reproduced in a retouched-etching shown on Klingspor 1949, p. 18
214 See Klingspor Museum 2004134-2, 2004134-3 and 2004134–4
Figure 6.4.46 (left) Drawing for the Eckmannschrift
Otto Eckmann, 1899
317
318
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.47 Comparison of Otto Eckmann’s drawn letters
for the Eckmannschrift with the letteforms from the final typeface
Rudhard/Klingspor, 1900
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
zu erkennen. Zwei der besten deutsche Schriftschneider scheiterten dann auch an der
gesteckten Aufgabe. Erst kurzes Arbeiten eines Offenbacher Stempelschneiders mit
Eckmann in Berlin und ein umfangreicher Briefwechsel mit dem Offenbacher Hause
brachten allmählich das gegenseitige Verständnis für die weiteren Schnitte.215
From Klingspor’s statement, it is clear that he did not consider his punchcutters to be
artists themselves. Eckmann’s introduction to the Rudhard/Klingspor type specimen
brochure for the Eckmannschrift thanks the typefoundry staff for their »unermüdliche
Bereitwilligkeit, mit der sie in jahrelanger Arbeit die schier zahllosen Versuche mit
jedem einzelnen Buchstaben ermöglichte.«216
While it would have been the typefoundry’s punchcutters who undertook the
»zahllosen Versuche« for each letter, I have the impression from Klingspor’s account of
the Eckmannschrift’s manufacture that he was the one driving them to “get it right.”
From an economic perspective, »zahllosen Versuche« also sounds like an expensive
prospect. If a punchcutter would cut an average of one punch per day, and many of
these punches did not meet with Klingspor’s approval, Klingspor would presumably
have still had to pay his punchcutters for all that labour.
In Halbey’s 1991 monograph on Klingspor, he reproduced details about the interpretations of drawings by Eckmann (and other designers) into type at Rudhard/
Klingspor that Ernst Engel had written in 1967.217 According to Engel:
Der Schnitt neuer Schriften war die langwierigste und kostspieligste Angelegenheit bei
der Herausgabe neuer Schriften. Die ersten neuen Schriften von Eckmann und Behrens
waren nicht nach den Zeichnungen im Schnitt durchzuführen. Eine größere Anzahl
der Buchstaben mußte mehrmals geschnitten werden, ehe die endgültige Formen
gefunden und die Wortbilder als gelungen gelten konnten. Auch bei den ersten
Schriften von Otto Hupp waren manche Formenversuche nötig, ehe die Schrift
durchgeschnitten werden konnte. Der erste, der sich mit den Stempelschneidern
verständigte und auf ihren Rat neue Formenversuche anstellte, wäre Rudolf Koch. Seine
„Fette deutsche Schrift“ zeichnete Koch vorher so durch, daß dem Stempelschneider
manche Schriftversuche erspart blieben. Auch Tiemann und Behrens ([bei der]
Behrens-Mediäval) gaben ihren Buchstabenformen endgültige Fassung, die mit
geringsten Änderungen geschnitten werden konnten.218
Of the punchcutters mentioned in Klingspor’s account – the later individual who
successfully interpreted Eckmann and Klingspor’s intentions – was Louis Hoell, who
was employed at Rudhard/Klingspor between about 1900 and 1904. It is not clear to
me who the two unsuccessful punchcutters were. One of them may have been a man
named Ferdinand Muntermann. According to a typewritten list of Rudhard/Klingspor
employees, Muntermann was employed in the firm’s punchcutting department from
1898 until 1954, which must have been his entire working life.219 That typewritten
Rudhard/Klingspor employee list – twenty pages in length – was prepared by Halbey,
and is kept today in the Klingspor Museum’s collections. It is a summary of the
information from the Gebr. Klingspor Mitarbeiterkarteien, which themselves are not
part of the museum’s holdings.220 Halbey’s list has the names of twenty-one men who
215 See Klingspor 1949, p. 18–20
216 See Eckmann 1900 (no page numbers)
217 Ernst Engel (1879–1967); from 1905 through 1924, he directed the Rudhard/
Klingspor foundry’s in-house printing unit.
218 See Halbey 1991, p. 36–37
219 See Halbey (undated), p. 8
220 In a 1 February 2017 discussion I had with Martina Weiß, one of the Klingspor
Museum librarians, the Mitarbeiterkarteien remains in the possession of the family of Karl
Hermann Klingspor, the Gebr. Klingspor typefoundry’s last director.
319
320
Schriftkünstler
were employed in Rudhard/Klingspor’s punchcutting department between 1898 and
1956 – when the firm closed – as well as the period in which each had been
employed.221 That list includes both Hoell and Muntermann’s names.
Louis Hoell was born in Herrenbreitungen in 1860. As an adolescent, he had
apprenticed as an engraver in Zelle-Mehlis.222 John Lane writes that, during what
might have been his Wanderjahre (or something like it), Hoell “worked in Berlin,
Stuttgart, Vienna, Budapest, Prague, and Leipzig, and gradually came to focus on
typographic punchcutting.”223 Lane surmises that Hoell “worked in foundries where
it was still normal to cut whole series of types by hand, most sizes in steel. … By 1930,
he was said to have cut more than 10,000 punches – about one punch per day for
thirty-five years.”224 When Karl and Wilhelm Klingspor’s father Carl purchased the
Rudhard typefoundry for the Klingspor family in 1892, the company did not have any
punchcutters on its small staff. Of the first years in which he worked at managing the
business, Karl Klingspor later wrote that he tried to grow the firm enough for it to be
able to attract a punchcutter.225 Nevertheless, by the time that Hoell arrived, the
foundry already had at least two other punchcutters, making him the third.226
The divergence between Eckmann’s drawing for the Eckmannschrift and the typeface’s final letterforms are likely the result of a personal collaboration that took place
between Eckmann and Hoell in Berlin. According to Rodenberg, Klingspor sent »Hoell
›um sehen zu lernen‹ für mehrere Wochen zu Eckmann … damit in engster Zusammenarbeit von Künstler und Handwerker eine auch technisch vollkommene Schrift
entstände.«227 Klingspor also mentioned this step from the typeface’s manufacturing
process in his own 1949 recollections, although he did not mention Hoell by name in
that account.228 According to Heinrich Bachmair and John Lane, Hoell also cut the
Behrensschrift and a typeface from Hupp,229 but he was not an employee of Klingspor’s
for very long. In 1904, he left to become the »Faktor der Schriftschneiderei« at the
Flinsch typefoundry in Frankfurt am Main.230 Flinsch was acquired in 1916 by the
Bauer typefoundry, also of Frankfurt, after which Hoell became responsible for that
firm’s punchcutters. He continued to work at Bauer until his death in 1935.231
1901
Hupp was displeased by the success Eckmann and the Rudhard/Klingspor typefoundry enjoyed with the Eckmannschrift. He proposed that Genzsch publish an
improved-upon version of the typeface, which he would design.232 In the draft of a
letter about this, Hupp’s tone about the Eckmannschrift is bitter; he was jealous of its
reception compared to that of his own just-released Neudeutsch. Hupp wrote that the
Eckmannschrift’s popularity was due to the amount of advertising Rudhard/Klingspor
had purchased to promote it, and not the merits of its design. He agreed with a
statement of Heinrich Wallau’s in Archiv für Buchgewerbe that the typeface would not
have been successful if it had been produced as Eckmann had drawn it; Wallau gave
the credit for its success to the typefoundry that produced the final types, rather than
to the designer who inspired their forms. Hupp referred to his newly planned project
221 See Halbey (undated), p. 8
222 See Volke/Zeller 1966, p. 35
223 See Lane 1991, p. 11
224 Ibid.
225 See Halbey 1991, p. 60–61
226 See Halbey (undated), p. 8
227 See Rodenberg 1940, p. 44
228 See Klingspor 1949, p. 20
229 See Bachmair 1936, p. 205 and Lane 1991, p. 11
230 See Bachmair 1936, p. 205
231 See Lane 1991, p. 11–12
232 See Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp 3, item 1989, p. 97–99
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
Figure 6.4.48 Reduced photograph of a design for an unrealised cursive typeface
Otto Hupp, undated
as the Dreikönigsschrift. Interestingly, he asked Genzsch whether it was really necessary
to release a new typeface in thirteen sizes all at once; that represented a lot of punches
to cut, increasing Genzsch’s business risk. Hupp proposed that Genzsch try three
different new typefaces instead – each of which would only have been produced in
four sizes.233
The Dreikönigsschrift is one of two unpublished submissions to Genzsch that are
referenced in Hupp’s Nachlass. Indeed, it is probably because the Dreikönigsschrift was
not produced that so much material about Hupp’s design for it survived. I assume that
the drawings for it in Hupp’s Nachlass were returned to him by Genzsch. Since his
Nachlass has no Neudeutsch drawings, I presume that those were kept by the foundry,
and destroyed during the fire after its factory was bombed in 1943. For the second
unpublished design Hupp submitted to Genzsch referenced in his Nachlass – a cursive
design – I have found little information [see fig. 6.4.48];234 however, Hupp’s Nachlass
does include some large drawings for certain letters of the Dreikönigsschrift design [see
figs. 6.4.49–6.4.51]. These letters were drawn in pencil on thin board and then inked
in. Figure 6.4.51 could have been Hupp’s final drawing for the design.235 The quality
233 Ibid.
234 See Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp 2.1.1.1., folder 112. Lange 1940, p. 53
states that Hupp prepared this for Genzsch & Heyse; however, Hupp may have drawn
this instead for the in-house typefoundry of the Leipzig printing house of B.G. Teubner,
at some point between 1913 and 1915; see Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp 3,
item 1990, p. 422–423. Or this could have been a design he submitted to Rudhard/
Klingspor; his Nachlass has a draft letter stating that a »Cursiv-Entwurf« had been
delivered to Klingspor on 6 October 1915. Ibid, p. 474–476
235 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp 2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheets 14, 16, and 18. In
the draft of the letter that Hupp sent to Genzsch where he proposed the new Dreikönigsschrift typeface, he drew thumbnail sketches, which unlike his larger Dreikönigsschrift
drawings, I have not reproduced here. Presumably, he re-drew those thumbnail sketches
in the draft of the letter mailed to Genzsch, too; see Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL
Hupp 3, item 1989, p. 111–117. On p. 111, the letters i n n o have been drawn in pencil; on p.
115, the letters i i e r n e u e s t have been drawn in pencil and ink. In a draft for a later letter
321
322
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.49 Drawing of a series of majuscules called
Schmale Uncial. This could have been a sketch from Hupp’s
development of the Dreikönigsschrift, which was never
published. Otto Hupp, undated; possibly from 1900 or 1901
Figure 6.4.50 Drawing for the Dreikönigsschrift majuscules
Otto Hupp, undated; possibly from 1900 or 1901
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
Figure 6.4.51 Drawing for the Dreikönigsschrift majuscules
Otto Hupp, undated; possibly from 1901
323
324
Schriftkünstler
of its letters are not enough that, if they had been transferred to blank punches or
patrices, or used by the foundry to create patterns for matrix-engraving, the punchcutter or matrix-engraver would have had to make some changes in order for a working
typeface to be produced – see the comparisons between Otto Eckmann’s drawing for
the Eckmannschrift and Peter Behrens’s drawings for the Behrensschrift in this chronicle;
changes to each of those designs occurred between the drawing and the production
phase. Figure 6.4.51 leads me to believe that Hupp was not likely to have provided
Genzsch with drawings for Neudeutsch that required no changes, either. Hupp may not
have been as proficient in drawing production-ready letter-drawings as he was in
drawing ornaments, at least not initially. The drawings for his early initials and
ornaments, which are also among the papers of his to be preserved, are of such
high-quality in terms of sharpness of line and richness of detail that Genzsch could
likely have created photographic etchings of them for his punchcutters, rather than
relying on his punchcutters to transfer the images to the punches by means of their
drafting abilities.
It is not clear why the Dreikönigsschrift was never put into production or released.
Perhaps Genzsch found the Dreikönigsschrift design to be too derivative.236 Whatever
the cause, most of Hupp’s subsequent typefaces were released through the Rudhard/
Klingspor foundry, instead of through Genzsch’s firms. Perhaps Karl Klingspor was
willing to pay more than Genzsch, or to pay Hupp in a way he found more agreeable.
At least eventually – if not also from the beginning – Klingspor paid Hupp royalties
from the sales of the typefaces he designed for his firm. Yet Genzsch and Hupp do not
seem to have disagreed about payment, even though Hupp requested new terms for
Dreikönigsschrift than what he had presumably received for Neudeutsch. Hupp’s Nachlass
includes a draft of a letter to Genzsch where he proposed being paid a percentage from
each sale the foundry would make of the new typeface, and not receiving an up-front
design fee.237 While Hupp’s Nachlass does not include the letters that Genzsch sent to
him, a slightly later draft letter Hupp wrote for Genzsch, dated 14 February 1901,
implies that Genzsch had been willing to accept Hupp’s suggestion; Hupp wrote that
he accepted Genzsch’s offer of an eight-per-cent royalty on the Dreikönigsschrift’s
earnings for the first five years of its sale, and five per cent afterwards.238
Hupp’s Nachlass includes one hundred fifty-two pages of correspondence from the
Gebr. Klingspor foundry.239 Although most of these letters are royalty-payment
statements from the 1920s and 1930s,240 some are letters from Karl Klingspor himself.
Most of these date from the late 1930s and the 1940s and many were written during
the Second World War. At some earlier point in their professional relationship, Hupp
was given shares in Gebr. Klingspor, instead of cash payment.241 Since the company
records from Rudhard/Klingspor did not survive the Second World War, and Hupp’s
to Genzsch, Hupp wrote that he was sending more drawings for the new typeface, whose
letters he considered to be more legible than the Eckmannschrift’s; Ibid., p. 144–147
236 Similar typefaces were certainly released by other typefoundries in the wake of the
Eckmannschrift’s release. J.G. Schelter & Giesecke’s Edelgotisch, drawn by Albert Knab in
1901, is a typeface whose design is quite close to Eckmann’s; see Schelter & Giesecke 1912,
p. G43–44 and G66–69
237 See Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp 3, item 1989, p. 111–117
238 Ibid., p. 144–147
239 See Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp 3, folder 2333
240 The Klingspor Museum also has a »Conto-Buch für Künstler Gebr. Klingspor
Offenbach a.M., um 1914ff., handschriftl.«; see Klingspor Museum Slg. KHK and Halbey
1991, p. 119. This records a payment of 915.28 Marks that was made to Otto Hupp on
5 July 1915. 507.50 of those Marks were for the second half of 1913, 290.4 for the first half
of 1914, and 117.74 Marks for the second half of 1914
241 Hupp mentioned this in a draft for a letter to Karl Klingspor, written in either 1938
or 1939; see Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp 3, item 1994, p. 42–44
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
Nachlass does not contain Konzeptbücher with drafts for his correspondence from across
his entire career, nor does it contain all the correspondence he received, I do not know
when Hupp’s relationship with Rudhard/Klingspor actually began. I assume that it
was after 1902, but before 1904.242 The last draft letters to Genzsch in Hupp’s Nachlass
are from 1901 (Hupp’s Nachlass has no Konzeptbücher with draft correspondence text for
the years between 1902 and 1912). Whenever it began, the professional relationship
between Hupp and Klingspor remained intact for the rest of their lives; Hupp died in
1949, Klingspor in 1950.
1902 (Behrens)
While many positive reports were published about the Eckmannschrift in the wake of its
release,243 Hupp was not the only Kunstgewerbler to not like it. Peter Behrens did not
approve of its design direction, either. In a 24 August 1900 letter to his publisher Eugen
Diederichs, Behrens – who was then also working on a design for a new typeface of his
own – expressed scepticism about the concept of a typeface whose design was made
up of brush-drawn letters, writing that:
Wenn Sie mich nach der Eckmanntype fragen und mein wirkliches Urteil hören wollen,
so muß ich sagen, daß ich sie wohl leserlich (was zu schätzen ist), aber unschön finde
durch das darin liegende Princip. Es ist eine Schrift, die aus dem Pinselstrich entwickelt
ist. Dieses, in seiner reinen Art ist schön im chinesischen und japanischen Schriftcharakter, doch zugerichtet auf unserer Formtradition verliert man nicht den Eindruck
einer originellen Zeitungsannonce. Und ich meine gerade ein sehr ernster Stil in der
Schrift für sehr ernste Bücher thut uns not. Dann werden wir auch in das tägliche
Leben diesen schönen Stil hineintragen, und auch unsere Zeitungen werden ein
anderes Gepräge tragen.244
Like Eckmann, Peter Behrens was born in Hamburg. During his lifetime, Behrens
engaged in a variety of professional activities. At various points in his career, he was
active as a painter, industrial designer, architect, teacher, and school administrator.
Because of his work as the creative director for AEG,245 as well as his role in the
foundation of the Deutscher Werkbund, art and design historians often credit him as
being a pioneer both in the fields of industrial design and corporate design.246
Behrens’s parents died while he was still a child, leaving him with significant financial
means; as a young man, he enrolled at the Hamburg Kunstgewerbeschule (as had
Eckmann) before moving to Karlsruhe and eventually to Munich to study art.247 In
1899, Behrens accepted an invitation to take part in Grand Duke Ernst Ludwig of Hesse
242 At some point in 1904, the punchcutter Louis Hoell left the Rudhard/Klingspor
foundry to work at the larger Flinsch foundry in Frankfurt am Main. According to
Hoell’s obituary in the Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 1936, he had cut types of Hupp’s design while
working at Rudhard/Klingspor (see Bachmair 1936, p. 205 [see fig. 6.5.3]). While the
obituary does not go into detail, I assume that this implies that Hoell worked on Hupp’s
Liturgisch design, a series of types and printing ornaments that Rudhard/Klingspor
published in 1906. The Klingspor Museum’s collections contain correspondence
between Hupp and Klingspor that begins in 1904, so work on those products may have
begun while Hoell was still at the foundry; see Klingspor Museum Slg. KHK and Halbey
1991, p. 36, 129, and 130
243 See Kühl 1900, for example.
244 See Windsor 1981 Deutsch, p. 44
245 His role, in German, was called the Künstlerischer Beirat.
246 For example, see Campbell 1978, p. 98; Buddensieg/Rogge 1979; Windsor 1981, p. 2
and 77–105; Heskett 1986, p. 140; Föhl/Pese 2013, p. 7; and Ruppert (undated)
247 See Windsor 1981, p. 4
325
326
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.52 Behrensschrift
Rudhard/Klingspor, circa 1901
and by Rhine’s Künstlerkolonie on the Mathildenhöhe in Darmstadt.248 The house that he
built for the colony’s first exhibition in 1901 still stands today, although it was heavily
restored after being damaged during the Second World War. By the time he joined the
colony, Behrens had already begun to design ornaments for the book trade, and book
design was among the variety of kunstgewerbliche projects he undertook after beginning his engagement in Darmstadt.249
In a 17 May 1900 letter that Behrens sent to Diederichs, he mentioned that he had
already begun working on the design for a new printing type.250 Behrens had been in
discussion with a typefoundry in Stuttgart, but he was not pleased with their relationship. He asked Diederichs for advice, hoping that he could recommend a typefounder
with “an open eye to the stylistic period.” Because of this, Windsor believes that it was
likely that Diederichs was the person to introduce Behrens and Karl Klingspor to one
another.251 Unlike Eckmann – who designed the Eckmannschrift in response to a
commission from Klingspor – Behrens had already developed a typeface concept and
shopped it around until he found a foundry that was interested.
Much more so than had been the case with the Eckmannschrift, the Behrensschrift – as
the finished typeface published by the Rudhard/Klingspor typefoundry was called –
attempted to combine both roman and Fraktur elements in a single design [see fig.
6.4.52]. According to Rodenberg:
Eckmann und Behrens hatten sich … als Ziel gesetzt, eine deutsche Schrift zu schaffen,
die frei von den Schnörkeln und dem überladenen Zierat der Fraktur wäre. Eckmann
ging von der Antiqua, Behrens von der gotischen Schrift aus. Schon Heinrich Wallau
hatte in den achtziger Jahren erklärt, daß man auf diese als die Wurzel der Fraktur
zurückgehen müsse, wenn man zu einer Erneuerung der Fraktur gelangen wolle. Die
Grundlage der Behrensschrift ist die mit der Kielfeder geschriebene gotische Schrift. In
dem klaren Aufbau der Buchstaben erkennt man den Architekten, der zielbewusst und
nur mit wenigen Mitteln arbeitet. Jeder unnötige Zierat ist vermieden; die Horizontalen und die Vertikalen sind gleich stark betont, und die Verlegung der Querbalken der
verlassen A, E, F, G, H auf die obere Linie der Gemeinbuchstaben verstärkt den Eindruck
des Regelmäßigen und jeder Laune Abgeneigten.252
248 See Halbey 1991, p. 197
249 For details about Behrens’s career until 1914, I have relied on Alan Windsor’s 1981
monograph, which briefly summarises Behrens’s career, beginning with his artistic and
kunstgewerbliche activities in Munich during the 1890s, as well as Gisela Moeller’s 1991
monograph focusing on the years between 1901 and 1907, which describes almost all of
his professional activities from that time in detail, and a 1992 article by Christopher
Burke that examines Behrens’s type design and architectural lettering. See Windsor 1981
and Windsor 1981 Deutsch, as well as Moeller 1991 and Burke 1992
250 See Windsor 1981, p. 38–39
251 Ibid.
252 See Rodenberg 1940, p. 46–47
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
Klingspor wrote that the Eckmannschrift had been designed (gestaltet) with a brush,
while the Behrensschrift had been written.253 In the introduction to the Rudhard/
Klingspor type specimen brochure for the Behrensschrift, Behrens himself wrote:
Zu jenen Zeiten, als die Buchdruckerkunst noch nicht erfunden war, wurde die Schrift
mit der Kielfeder geschrieben, und die Formen der einzelnen Buchstaben tragen,
technisch betrachtet, den markanten Charakter ihrer Entstehung, und nicht nur die
Buchstaben, sondern oft auch der Schmuck, der der Schrift reich zugefügt wurde.254
Behrens explicitly referenced a kind of broad-pen (a Kielfeder):
Für die eigentliche Form meiner Type nahm ich das technische Prinzip der gotischen
Schrift, des Striches der Kielfeder. Auch waren mir, um einen deutschen Charakter
noch mehr zu erreichen, die Verhältnisse, die Höhe und Breite der Buchstaben und die
Stärke der Striche der gotischen Buchstaben maßgebend. Dadurch, daß alles Unnötige
vermieden ist, daß das Konstruktions-Prinzip der schräg gehaltenen Feder streng
durchgeführt ist, war am ersten ein zusammenhaltender Charakter zu erhoffen und das
ästhetische Moment zu gewinnen, wodurch die Type für allen Text, sowohl für den, der
Würde verlangt als für populären Inhalt und zum Dienst des Gewerbes geeignet würde,
in ihr sowohl die hoheitsvolle Sprache Nietzsches, als auch Journal-Berichte zu lesen,
und wenn zugleich ihre Buchstaben ein gutes Bild im Satz geschäftlicher Anzeigen
ergeben würden.255
Christopher Burke believes that Behrens had at least investigated broad-pen writing,
even if he did not practice it himself. He writes that “Behrens was always searching for
principles behind styles, and here he astutely latched onto broad-pen calligraphy for
the derivation of his letters.”256 Having examined the four process drawings for the
typeface in the Klingspor Museum’s collection – presumably drawn by Peter Behrens,
although they are not signed or dated – it is clear to me that their letters are drawn,
and not written out with a pen, which Burke himself also states.257 Those four
drawings are the only artefacts from the Behrensschrift’s design and production in the
museum’s collection; it is possible that they were preceded by earlier “drawings” of
Behrens’s, in which the letterforms had been written out with a broad pen. Indeed, I
find it difficult to imagine how exactly Behrens could have incorporated so many
pen-stroke-like elements into the design of his letters without having written with
broad pens before. Therefore, I believe that it is safe to assume that Behrens did create
earlier preparatory “drawings” for the Behrensschrift, which were indeed “written,” and
not drawn. That is also Burke’s view; in his opinion, Behrens “wanted the aesthetic of
the pen … he created his own gothic hand.”258 Behrens wanted his typeface to look as
if it had been written, and in the end, it was probably the appearance of the finished
typeface that counted for him, rather than the exact methods used to achieve that.
The Klingspor Museum collection’s four large process drawings for the Behrensschrift are similar to the above-mentioned drawing by Eckmann for the Eckmannschrift.259 As physical objects, these each have slightly different dimensions, ranging
from to 43 × 26.5 to 55.5 × 39 centimetres in size. The letters on the four drawings are
similar-sized; majuscules range from 30 to 40 millimetres in height, while the
x-height of the minuscules is between 25 and 30 millimetres [see figs. 6.4.53–
6.4.56]. Three of the drawings are each made up of four boards of differing sizes that
253 See Klingspor 1949, p. 20–21
254 See Behrens 1902, p. 6
255 Ibid.
256 See Burke 1992, p. 20
257 Ibid., p. 22
258 Ibid.
259 See Klingspor Museum 2004138-1, 2004138-2, 2004138-3, and 2004138-4
327
Figure 6.4.53 (above) Drawing for the
Figure 6.4.54 (right) Drawing for the Behrens-
Behrensschrift; Peter Behrens, circa 1900
schrift; Peter Behrens, circa 1900
Figure 6.4.55 (above) Drawing for the
Figure 6.4.56 (right) Drawing for the Behrens-
Behrensschrift; Peter Behrens, circa 1900
schrift; Peter Behrens, circa 1900
Figure 6.4.57 Comparison of Peter Behrens’s drawn letters for the
Behrensschrift from figure 6.4.53 with the letteforms from the final typeface
Rudhard/Klingspor, circa 1901
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
have been attached to another; the fourth drawing is on a single board. Each of the
drawings displays alphabets of uppercase and lowercase letters, a few ligatures and
punctuation marks, the figures zero through nine, and alternate versions of a few
letters. One of the boards also includes a test word (»Hameln«). The letters in the
illustration of Behrens’s drawings for the Behrensschrift in Klingspor’s 1949 book are an
etching made from one of the four process drawings.260 The characters in the
museum collection’s drawings were first drawn rather precisely in pencil; inked
versions of the letterforms were then drawn over those pencil renderings. In some
places, the pencil and ink versions of the letters diverge from one another. For example, the bottom-left curve of the lowercase w has not been inked in. In essence, this
drawing offers two possibilities that this letter could take. This may also be seen with
the q in figure 6.4.53. There, the drawing has a “standard” lowercase q, but over top of
the bottom right-hand corner of the lowercase o, a diagonal stroke has been drawn in.
This creates a lowercase q variant that appears more like the typical majuscule form of
the letter. The final typeface’s forms seems quite divergent from Behrens’s production
drawings [see fig. 6.4.57]. The letterforms in the Behrensschrift printing type have
thicker strokes and are more rectilinear in their forms. This sort of change was also
performed in the Eckmannschrift, but in the Behrensschrift’s case, the degree of the
changes appears to have been more drastic. The foundry must have learned from the
experience of translating Eckmann’s drawings into type the year before.
For the introductory brochure that Rudhard/Klingspor produced for the Behrensschrift, Behrens himself wrote of these significant changes to the typeface’s design,
between his very first preliminary sketches and the final product:
Wenn ich nun meine ersten, vor drei Jahren entstandenen Entwürfe mit der fertigen
Druckschrift vergleiche, so muß ich bekennen, dass ein tüchtiges Stück Arbeit dazwischen liegt, und die fertige Schrift von anfangs ziemlich groß gezeichneten Buchstaben
oft recht abweicht. Bei den ersten einzeln gezeichneten Buchstaben war noch nicht auf
die Gesamtwirkung zu schließen, und auch ganze in der neuen Schrift zusammengezeichnete Sätze ergaben nicht die Übersicht, die zu einer wirklichen Beurteilung
ausgereicht hätte. Diese war erst möglich nach dem Schnitt der Buchstaben in einem
kleineren Grade und im Druck dieser Buchstaben zu Worten und Sätzen. Da wurde mir
erst ganz klar, daß es wohl gut ist, wenn ein einzelner Buchstabe eine schöne Form hat,
es das Wesentliche aber ist, wie sich die einzelnen Buchstaben zu einander verhalten,
wie sie sich zusammenschließen, ohne Löcher zu lassen, und daß sich die einzelnen
Buchstaben unterordnen unter das Wort- und Satzbild. Es stellte sich die Notwendigkeit
heraus, manche an sich gute Form zu Gunsten des Satzbildes zu vereinfachen und,
wenn auch oft mit schwerem Herzen, zu ändern.261
In Behrens’s description of the changes to the Behrensschrift’s design, his learning
process as a designer is clear.
Thanks to Rodenberg’s 1940 Klingspor monograph, as well as Klingspor’s own later
recollections, we know that Louis Hoell had been sent to Berlin to collaborate on the
final forms of the Eckmannschrift as Hoell would engrave them, as I mentioned above.
This direct, personal collaboration between the artist Eckmann and the craftsman
Hoell may explain why no other drawings documenting the intermediate stages in the
Eckmannschrift’s development, between the one process drawing in the museum today
and the letterforms visible in the final fonts of type. If Hoell worked directly in steel or
a softer metal (depending on whether the punches for the Eckmannschrift’s first size
were smaller steel punches or larger soft-metal patrices) then no physical drawings
from his side would strictly have been necessary. Hoell could have engraved forms
with Eckmann’s direct input, while the engraving process was ongoing. Even though
260 See Klingspor 1949, p. 21 and Klingspor Museum 2004138-1
261 See Behrens 1902, p. 10
333
Figure 6.4.58 Test print of a trial-cutting for one size of the Wodan typeface
F. Schweinemanns / D. Stempel GmbH, circa 1902
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
there is no record of a similar collaboration between Behrens and Hoell having
occurred, it is not out of the question. If no such direct face-to-face collaboration
between the two individuals took place, it is possible that Hoell arrived at the final
forms of the Behrensschrift’s letters himself. I suspect that Karl Klingspor and Peter
Behrens would have had ample opportunity to amend Hoell’s interpretation, if need
be. Therefore, I find it conceivable that Hoell was given a wide latitude on the degree
of interpretation he could bring to Behrens’s process drawings.
As a possible alternative hypothesis, Dagmar Welle proposes that not Hoell, but
Karl Klingspor himself was responsible for all the changes in the Behrensschrift design,
between that which is visible in the drawings and the final typeface.262 Of the account
of the Behrensschrift’s design in her dissertation, this hypothesis is the only part for
which she does not cite a source. Just as Welle cannot base her assumption that
Klingspor was responsible for the changes to the final details of the Behrensschrift’s
design on any specific account, I cannot base my hypothesis for Hoell’s responsibility
on any, either. Nevertheless, in 1900 or 1901 – while the Behrensschrift was being cut
– Hoell was forty years old. He may have already had about twenty years of experience
engraving punches.263 Karl Klingspor would not have been inexperienced in typographic matters by 1900, having worked in the business since 1892. I believe a convincing argument could be made for either person. Instead of attributing the Behrensschrift
typeface to a design by Peter Behrens, produced by the Rudhard/Klingspor typefoundry, I propose that texts about the Behrensschrift should state that Behrens’s design
was realised at the Rudhard/Klingspor foundry by the punchcutter Louis Hoell, who
worked under the creative direction of Karl Klingspor.
1902 (Schweinemanns)
Otmar Hoefer and Hans Reichardt – two former D. Stempel AG employees – published
a PDF on the Vereinigung »Freunde des Klingspor Museums« website displaying samples of
typefaces designed by F. Schweinemanns, a commercial artist who designed several
typefaces for Stempel between about 1900 and 1914.264 Their PDF includes a photocopy of a collage of test prints for the uppercase letters, lowercase letters, numerals,
and characters !, ?, and & of one unspecified size of Schweinemanns’s Schmale fette
Künstlerschrift Wodan typeface, published by Stempel in 1902 [see fig. 6.4.58]. According to Reichardt, he made this photocopy himself, from a stack of materials from the
old Stempel foundry donated to the Klingspor Museum.265 Those Stempel materials
have not yet been catalogued by the museum; however, Stephanie Ehret-Pohl was able
to find a cassette of items from those materials, which contained items from various
Schriftkünstler Stempel collaborated with. This includes a folder for Schweinemanns.
Nevertheless, that folder did not have any original items in it, only photocopies.266
Aside from figure 6.4.58, I reproduce a second of the four photocopies of Wodan
test prints below, as figure 6.4.59. That was also photocopied from a collage of test
prints for characters from the typeface’s 5-Cicero size (60 Didot-points). Unlike the
other test sheets, this one includes a drawing of a capital L and K, which were probably
added as corrections (or at least as suggestions by either Schweinemanns or someone
on Stempel’s type-making staff). Like the drawings from Eckmann and Behrens for
the Eckmannschrift and the Behrensschrift I reproduce in this chapter, the letterforms on
especially the first of these Wodan test-print collages do not match those of the final
typefaces exactly [see fig. 6.4.60].
262 See Welle 1997, p. 88–90
263 See Bachmair 1936 and Lane 1991, p. 11–12
264 See Hoefer/Reichardt (undated)
265 See Hans Reichardt’s e-mail to me from 10 November 2019
266 She mentioned that »Leider sind in dieser Mappe ausschließlich Kopien, zur
Wodan, Graziella und anderen Schriften.« See Stephanie Ehret-Pohl’s e-mail to me from
12 November 2019.
335
336
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.59 Test print of a trial-cutting for the 5-Cicero size of the Wodan typeface
F. Schweinemanns / D. Stempel GmbH, circa 1902
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
Figure 6.4.60 Schmale fette Künsterschrift Wodan
D. Stempel GmbH, circa 1902
337
Figure 6.4.61 Drawing or test print appearing to fall in weight between Magere Regina-Kursiv and
Fette Regina-Kursiv; F. Schweinemanns (?) / D. Stempel AG, circa 1905
In the same folder as figures 6.4.58 and 6.4.59, there are photocopies of two items
that seem to have been made during the development of Stempel’s Magere Regina-Kursiv typeface. One of those items – which I have not reproduced here – is a collage of
test-printed letterforms from one size of the typeface. The second item seems to be a
drawing for letterforms in the style of Magere Regina-Kursiv [see fig. 6.4.61]. However,
its stokes are noticeably thicker than those in the Magere Regina-Kursiv’s letters, but
thinner than those in Fette Regina-Kursiv [see fig. 6.4.62]. Was this one drawing made
for Stempel’s type-making staff to interpret both typeface weights from? Also unclear
is why those two photocopies were filed in an F. Schweinemanns folder, and who may
have filed them there. Stempel publications do not attribute the Magere and Fette
Regina-Kursiv to Schweinemanns, although those types do almost look like italic
versions of Künstlerschrift and Halbfette Künstlerschrift, two typefaces Hoefer and
Reichardt do attribute to him.267 Schweinemanns seems to have designed the Künstlerschrift and Halbfette Künstlerschrift as products similar to the Eckmannschrift in appearance. Rudhard/Klingspor had published the Eckmannschrift about a year beforehand. As
I mention in the next section, Otto Eckmann worked on an Eckmann-Kursiv, but the
267 See Hoefer/Reichardt (undated)
Figure 6.4.62 Magere Regina-Kursiv and Fette Regina-Kursiv types
D. Stempel AG, circa 1905
340
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.63 Annotated print of etching made from reduced photographs
of figs. 6.4.64–6.4.66 for the unrealised Eckmann-Kursiv design
Rudhard/Klingspor, 1901 or 1902
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
typeface was never finished. Magere and Fette Regina-Kursiv could almost be the italic
versions of the Eckmannschrift that Rudhard/Klingspor never produced.
1902 (Eckmann)
Eckmann himself died of lung disease in 1902, when he was only thirty-seven. This
was only about two years after his Eckmannschrift had been published. Before his death,
Eckmann had begun working on an italic companion to his eponymous typeface,
which the Klingspor museum’s collections refer to as the Eckmann-Kursiv [see figs.
6.4.63–6.4.66]. Although this was never completed and issued in type, the museum
also holds inked-drawings of upper and lowercase letters, presumably made by
Eckmann, in its collections.268 Also in the Klingspor Museum’s collections are drawings from Eckmann for the initials and the ornaments that accompanied the Eckmannschrift,269 which in their final forms are displayed on ten pages of the second brochure
that the Rudhard/Klingspor typefoundry produced to advertise the Eckmannschrift, in
circa 1902 (Walthari, the Eckmannschrift, and the Behrensschrift were each released along
with a suite of ornaments and initial letters).270
Although Heinz König had designed the first of the artistic typefaces, or so-called
Künstlerschriften, that Rudhard/Klingspor released, it must have been the Eckmannschrift
and the later Behrensschrift that solidified the practice and set the future trend for the
foundry. Over the next fifty years, the Rudhard/Klingspor foundry would be wellknown in the printing and design communities for the designers they worked with –
especially Rudolf Koch, who became an employee of the firm in 1906, and Walter
Tiemann (who like Behrens, Eckmann, Hupp, and König was an external collaborator).
The first of Karl Klingspor’s changes to how his foundry released new products in 1900
was to name them after their designers. This was part of an international trend; at
about the same time, the Parisian typefoundry of G. Peignot et Fils published Grasset,
a typeface that Georges Peignot had commissioned from the artist Eugène Grasset.271
It would not be the case that every future Klingspor release would include a reference
to the designer in its name, but the practice would be repeated many times, not least
with all four of Peter Behrens’s typefaces and three typefaces of Otto Hupp’s. Other
German foundries quickly followed suit,272 although Klingspor would later write that
owners of competing typefoundries initially criticised him for his naming practice.273
Klingspor’s competitors also criticised him for raising the fees paid to external designers for their work, fearing it would eventually encourage typefoundries to bid against
each other for designers, who would sign with the firm that would pay them the
highest fees. In a 1909 letter to Walter Tiemann, Klingspor discussed these fees
directly, stating that designers before Eckmann not much had been paid very highly
for their work. For instance, he cited a common range of between fifty and one
hundred marks, and stated that »für die erfolgreiche ›Römische Antiqua‹ erhielt
H. König M. 100,–.«274
268 See Klingspor Museum 2004135
269 See Klingspor Museum 2004136 and 2004137
270 See Eckmann 1902, p. 10–20
271 The American Type Founders Co. in the United States published a typeface
named Bradley – sometimes called Bradley Text – in 1894/1895. This was based on
lettering from the American illustrator Will H. Bradley (1868–1962); Paul Shaw called
my attention to it in an e-mail on 26 August 2018. I cannot say how likely Georges
Peignot of Karl Klingspor were to have known about the typeface name’s reference.
However, by 1900, Klingspor must have been familiar with at least the typeface’s design,
as it was carried by several German typefoundries under various names. See Bradley
(undated)
272 For example, see fig. 8.3.1 in chapter eight below.
273 See Halbey 1991, p. 40
274 Ibid. On Ibid., p. 119, Halbey compiled a list displaying all surviving records in the
Klingspor Museum’s collection of payments made by the Gebr. Klingspor typefoundry
to type designers for their work. The figures come from a handwritten Conto-Buch in the
341
342
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.64 (top) Drawing for the unrealised
Figure 6.4.65 Drawing for the unrealised
Eckmann-Kursiv; Otto Eckmann, 1901 or 1902
Eckmann-Kursiv; Otto Eckmann, 1901 or 1902
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
Figure 6.4.66 Drawing for the unreleased Eckmann-Kursiv
Otto Eckmann, 1901 or 1902
1904
One of the main differences between Liturgisch – the first typeface of Hupp’s published
by Rudhard/Klingspor – and earlier typefaces that foundry had produced in the time
since Karl Klingspor’s co-directorship had begun was that Liturgisch’s design called for
the gradual introduction of greater amounts of detail as one moved from the smallest
to the largest point sizes. In a letter that Hupp wrote to Klingspor on 2 September 1904,
he compared the amount of detail in the various type sizes with the degree of architectural decoration in church buildings of differing dimensions, stating:
Der Größenunterschied zwischen dem größten und den kleinsten Grad entspricht, ins
architektonische übersetzt, dem Größenunterschied zwischen einem Dom und einer
Kapelle. Ein Baumeister, der eine Kapelle zu bauen hat, dürfte noch nicht auf den Einfall
kommen, die Formen eines Domes in zwanzigfacher Verkleinerung auszuführen? Es
würde keine Kapelle sondern ein Puppendom werden. Ebenso wenig kann die schönste
Kapelle in zwanzigfacher Vergrößerung einen Dom geben. Mit einer Schrift ist es nicht
anders; auch da darf man nicht alles können, was man kann; bestimmte Größen
fordern bestimmte Konstruktionen.275
museum’s collection (Slg. KHK), and the list itself is rather incomplete. Otto Hupp’s
Nachlass has several royalty statements sent to him by Gebr. Klingspor; see Bayerisches
Hauptstaatsarchiv, Hupp Nachlass 3, folder 2333. Copies of those letters are not present
in the Klingspor Museum’s collections; their figures from that correspondence could be
used to add more information to Halbey’s table, for instance.
275 See Halbey 1991, p. 36; see also figure 6.4.67
343
344
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.67 Reverse of figure 6.4.68; drawings of majuscules, possibly for Liturgisch
Otto Hupp, circa 1904
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
That letter to Klingspor was not the only time Hupp expressed this concept; his
Nachlass has a draft for a letter to Heinrich Görte, director of the Reichsdruckerei, from 18
November 1915, where he wrote:
Ihrem Wunsche, die Schrift nicht nur für die drei gebräuchlichsten Grade sondern für
die ganze Skala von 10 Graden durchzuarbeiten komme ich gern entgegen. Es erfordert
das aber einen nicht geringen Mehraufwand an Arbeit. Denn ich darf doch annehmen,
dass Ihr nicht eine einfache mechanische Vergrößerung bezw. Verkleinerung
vorschreibt. Es ist mit einer Schrift ja nicht anders als mir der Architektur: ein stimmungsvolle kleine Kapelle gibt in mechanischer Vergrößerung ebensowenig einen
stimmungsvollen Dom, wie ein solcher bei der Verkleinerung auf ein Zehntel eine
hübsche Kapelle abgibt. Ebenso muss auf eine Schrift nicht eben von Grad zu Grad,
welche aber in Abständen von etwa 3 bis 4 Graden einer Vereinfachung oder Bereicherung unterzogen werden.276
(The typeface that Görte had commissioned from Hupp for the Reichsdrückerei is
discussed below.)
Reflecting on Liturgisch’s optical sizes, Julius Rodenberg wrote in 1940 that:
Bei [der Liturgisch] wurde zuerst ein neuer Gedanke durchgeführt, der zwar in der
Behrens- und Eckmannschrift schon angestrebt, aber noch nicht ganz verwirklicht
worden war, nämlich jeden Schriftgrad seiner Größe entsprechend selbstständig zu
gestalten. Heinrich Wallau hat darauf hingewiesen, wie verfehlt da Verfahren seien, die
kleinen Schriftgrade durch mechanische Verkleinerungen auf photographischem Wege
zu gewinnen. Die bei einem großen Schriftgrade wohl angebrachten Verzierungen,
Häkchen, Schnörkel und Verbindungsstriche wirken, in einen kleinen Grad übertragen,
nur störend, weil sie nicht nur die schöne Klarheit der Formen, sondern auch die
Lesbarkeit beeinträchtigen. So erwies es sich, nachdem man erkannt hatte, daß man
sich der Hilfe der Photographie in zu weitgehendem Maße bedient hatte, als nötig, die
Schriftgrade zwar in den gleichen Grundformen, aber doch noch mit den durch die
Größe erforderlichen Abweichungen einzeln zu entwerfen. Bei der ›Liturgisch‹ ist das
nun durchgeführt worden. In den kleinen Graden sind die Versalien viel einfacher
gehalten: Doppellinien und Verzierungen, die in den großen Graden unbedenklich und
mit unbefangener Freude am Zierat verwendet werden konnten, fehlen hier, und die
Gemeinbuchstaben sind breiter gehalten um ihre charakteristische Form deutlich
hervortreten zu lassen. Diese individuelle Behandlung der einzelne Schriftgrade ist ein
bedeutender Fortschritt; Rudolf Koch hat sie später noch weiter ausgebaut [vor allem
bei der Wilhelm-Klingspor-Schrift].277
While the Klingspor Museum does not contain process drawings for Liturgisch – as it
does for Otto Eckmann’s Eckmannschrift and Peter Behrens’s Behrensschrift – Hupp must
have provided Rudhard/Klingspor with detailed letter drawings for the typeface,
which at some later point were either lost or destroyed. His Nachlass does include
sketches that Hupp must have made as he was designing the typeface [see figs.
6.4.68–6.4.70]. Liturgisch was published with a significant amount of initials and
ornaments, likely far more than Rudhard/Klingspor had cast over the previous decade
for Heinz König’s Walthari, the Eckmannschrift, or the Behrensschrift, and Hupp’s Nachlass
does contain drawings for several of the Liturgisch initials,278 as well as test prints of
the initials, and test prints for a few sizes of the typeface.279 These drawings seem to
have been executed by Hupp like those he made for his other projects that I
mentioned above.
276 See Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Nachlass Hupp 3, item 1990, p. 500–501
277 See Rodenberg 1940, p. 62–65
278 See Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Nachlass Hupp 2.1.1.1., folder 198
279 Ibid., folder 107, sheets 1–3 and 5
345
346
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.68 Untitled drawing, probably for Liturgisch
Otto Hupp, circa 1904
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
Figure 6.4.69 Liturgisch
Rudhard/Klingspor 1906
347
348
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.70 Karl Klingspor’s explanation of the size-specific changes
to the Liturgisch and Wilhelm-Klingspor-Schrift typefaces
Karl Klingspor, 1949
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
Many of Liturgisch’s ornaments were designed to take advantage of multi-colour
printing, which would have required extra work from typesetters and printers, as
every page printed in multiple colours was essentially an entirely new print run for
each added colour that was to be added. In terms of the iconography of the Liturgisch
initials and ornaments, many featured either Christian or heraldic imagery. To
present all of Liturgisch’s initials and ornaments, Rudhard/Klingspor published a
specimen for them that was more opulent in terms of its design than anything else
the firm had yet had printed. At one hundred forty-eight pages in length, the Liturgisch
catalogue is one of the longest type specimens ever printed for a single typeface.280
Although Rudhard/Klingspor had added an in-house printing department in 1902, the
Liturgisch catalogue was too complicated for the foundry to produce internally.281
1907
Behrens-Kursiv, Behrens-Antiqua, and Behrens-Mediäval – might look as if their letterforms
had been designed by their being written out with broad pens [see figs. 6.4.71–
6.4.74]. However, the process drawings for these typefaces in the Klingspor Museum’s
collection indicate otherwise. While the museum does not hold any drawings by Peter
Behrens for Behrens-Kursiv and Behrens-Antiqua – the second and third of his typefaces
to be released (in 1907 and 1908, respectively), their collection does have photographic
reductions of four of Behrens’s drawings for Behrens-Kursiv.282 Based on those photographs, the process drawings created for the typeface seem to be similar to those
Behrens created for the Behrensschrift; most of the letters seem to have been drawn in
ink on board. Some other letter sketches appear only in pencil. Looking at the drawings in the Klingspor-Museum’s Behrens-Mediäval folder – as well as the folder for the
unfinished and unrealised Behrens-Reklame typeface and the two drawings and letter
from Behrens for his unfinished and unrealised Behrens-Grotesk typeface – it seems to
me that Behrens designed all of his typefaces according to the same process. Initial
letter sketches were made in pencil on paper, followed by more exacting drawings
made in ink [see figs. 6.4.75–6.4.79].283
Behrens-Kursiv could be described as a companion italic design to the Behrensschrift;
its letterforms are made up of strokes that look more fluid – perhaps because its
letterforms contain more curved elements when contrasted with the Behrensschrift’s
rectilinearity. Behrens-Kursiv and Behrens-Antiqua were both developed during the years
in which Behrens conducted calligraphy courses – together with Anna Simons and
Fritz Helmuth Ehmcke – at the Kunstgewerbeschule in Düsseldorf. There were three such
courses in total; one was held each year in 1905, 1906, and 1907.284 In 1909, Behrens
conducted a last course with Simons in Neubabelsberg;285 by that time, he had already
left his post in Düsseldorf. Simons, who had been a pupil of Edward Johnston’s in
London, introduced the Johnston method of teaching writing with a broad pen to
designers in Germany. She initially did this via her co-teaching of Behrens’s calligraphy courses, and later through her independent teaching as well as through her
280 See Liturgisch 1908. This catalogue’s pages measure 22 × 28 centimetres; they are
printed with multiple coloured inks. The catalogue was designed by »Reinhold Bauer …
Angestellter der Firma Schwann in Düsseldorf«; see Halbey 1991, p. 128
281 Hans Halbey explained that »die Hausdruckerei von Gebr. Klingspor [konnte] den
Druck der Probe nicht allein schaffen … [also] druckten Druckereifirmen in Gießen,
Hanau u.a.a.O. mit, oft besucht vom Druckermeister der Firma Gebr. Klingspor«; Ibid.
282 See the first two boards inside the Behrens-Kursiv folder in Klingspor Museum,
Dauerleihgabe Behrens. The Behrens-Antiqua folder, also in Ibid., has neither process
drawings nor photographs of drawings, but rather pencil-annotated test prints
presumably made by Gebr. Klingspor staff, from the typeface’s production phase.
283 See Klingspor Museum, Dauerleihgabe Behrens (no inventory numbers).
284 See Moeller 1991, p. 135–139
285 Ibid., p. 139
349
350
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.71 Behrensschrift
Rudhard/Klingspor, circa 1901
Figure 6.4.72 Behrens-Kursiv
Rudhard/Klingspor, 1907
Figure 6.4.73 Behrens-Antiqua
Rudhard/Klingspor, 1908
Figure 6.4.74 Behrens-Mediäval
Rudhard/Klingspor, 1914
Figure 6.4.75 (right) Photographs of drawings
for Behrens-Mediäval halbfett
Peter Behrens / Rudhard/Klingspor, circa 1908–1914
352
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.76 Drawing for Behrens-Mediäval halbfett
Peter Behrens, circa 1908–1914
Figure 6.4.77 Test print of three Behrens-Mediäval halbfett
words, together with a Behrens-Mediäval text;
Peter Behrens / Rudhard/Klingspor, 1914
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
Figure 6.4.78 Drawing for the unrealised Behrens-Grotesk
Peter Behrens, circa 1914
Figure 6.4.79 Drawing for the unrealised Behrens-Grotesk
Peter Behrens, circa 1914
353
354
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.80 Codex Argenteus, Speyer Fragment
Sixth century A.D.
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
writing and translation work. The calligraphy courses at the Kunstgewerbeschule
Düsseldorf were not conducted for that institution’s pupils, but rather for drawing
teachers from other Prussian Kunstgewerbeschulen. Several of these teachers would also
go on to design typefaces that would be published by various German typefoundries.
According to Burke, “Behrens equated pen-derivation with the integrity and formality
of letterforms, an opinion which links him to leading exponents of British Arts and
Crafts philosophy such as Morris and, with particular regard to letterforms, Edward
Johnston.”286 Because of Behrens’s teaching-collaboration with Simons, as well as the
general calligraphic appearance of Behrens-Kursiv, Behrens-Antiqua, and Behrens-Mediäval,
I had assumed that Behrens’s writing-out of the letterforms of those typefaces must
have played a role in the process of their development. Nevertheless, the artefacts
from these typefaces’ design and production at the Klingspor Museum did not bear
out my first assumption. Behrens’s process was almost certainly a drawing one, and
not a writing one.
In Edward Johnston’s early years as a teacher – while Simons had been his student
– his teaching method had made great use of uncial-style letters.287 Simons may have
instructed her students in uncial models while she was working with Behrens. There
are practice sheets with uncial letters written by Simons, for instance, among Ehmcke’s papers in the Klingspor Museum’s collection.288 For the Behrens-Antiqua typeface,
both Behrens and Klingspor mentioned that Behrens had been inspired by manuscript uncials, particularly those seen in the sixth-century Codex Argenteus, a bible in
the Gothic language kept in Uppsala, Sweden [see fig. 6.4.80]. While Behrens may
have been inspired by that historic model during his design process for the Behrens-Antiqua, the typeface is not a direct adaptation of those manuscript forms, but rather a
loose, personal interpretation. According to Burke, “[Behrens] did let the unmediated
result of calligraphy shine through … he transformed the uncial calligraphic influence
with a notion of primary geometry and rationalization.”289 Perhaps Behrens used a
letterform associated with an ancient Germanic language as a means to further
contribute to the discussion of the ideal script-form for the German language of his
own time. The Behrensschrift, after all, had been a hybrid Fraktur/roman design;
Behrens-Antiqua was a hybrid of uncial and roman. Rodenberg also believed that uncial
styles had exerted a mild influence on some of letters in Behrens’s later BehrensMediäval typeface.290
Behrens was not the only designer in Germany to be looking at uncial-style letters
during the second half of the twentieth century’s first decade. Shortly after Klingspor’s
release of the Behrens-Antiqua typeface, they published a trio of typefaces designed by
Otto Hupp. Those three typefaces – Hupp-Antiqua, Hupp-Fraktur, and Hupp-Unziale,
discussed below – were roman, Fraktur, and uncial designs, respectively. The Emil
Gursch typefoundry of Berlin also published its Unziale typeface around this time,
which had been designed by Ludwig Sütterlin (a participant in the 1905 calligraphy
course that Behrens, Ehmcke, and Simons had organised in Düsseldorf) [see fig.
6.4.81–6.4.83].291
286 See Burke 1992, p. 21
287 See Johnston 1906, whose illustrations contain many uncials.
288 See Klingspor Museum, Nachlass Ehmcke, Schriftkunst cassette (no inventory
numbers)
289 See Burke 1992, p. 31
290 See Rodenberg 1940, p. 50
291 See Moeller 1991, p. 136–137
355
356
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.81 Behrens-Antiqua
Rudhard/Klingspor, 1908
Figure 6.4.82 Hupp-Unziale
Rudhard/Klingspor, 1909–1910
Figure 6.4.83 Unziale
Emil Gursch, 1909
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
1910
After Liturgisch, the next text typefaces of Hupp’s to be published by Rudhard/Klingspor were a pair of related designs named Hupp-Antiqua and Hupp-Unziale [see figs.
6.4.84 and 6.4.85]. These were presented together in a joint specimen-brochure the
typefoundry published in 1910.292 Around that time Rudhard/Klingspor also released
three eclectic typefaces of Hupp’s design, which unlike Hupp-Antiqua and Hupp-Unziale
were solely intended for use in larger-sized printing. These were called Kegelschrift,
Keilschrift, and Tam-Tam. In 1911, Hupp-Antiqua and Hupp-Unziale were joined by another
text typeface that Klingspor published as Hupp-Fraktur [see figs. 6.4.86 and 6.4.87].
Of all of Hupp’s designs for Rudhard/Klingspor, this typeface may have been the one
that Karl Klingspor had been the most interested in producing; however, Hupp had
been reticent about designing it, at least in the earliest years of their collaboration. In
an 18 September 1905 letter to Klingspor, Hupp wrote:
Was nun die Fraktur betrifft, so fürchte ich sehr, Ihnen vergebliche Arbeit gemacht zu
haben. Für jede andere Schriftgießerei wäre es mir leicht, eine neue Fraktur zu zeichnen
– ich täts natürlich nicht, – aber für Sie, der Sie bereits zwei Frakturschriften besitzen,
ein drittes Wörmchen zu zeichnen, das erscheint mir schwierig und eigentlich
überflüssig.293
In 1939, William H. Lange reflected that Hupp-Antiqua, Hupp-Fraktur, and Hupp-Unziale
had not been received as favourably as the comparable typefaces that had been
released in years leading up to the First World War designed by individuals like Fritz
Helmuth Ehmcke, Rudolf Koch, Walter Tiemann, and Emil Rudolf Weiß. He wrote that
those other typefaces »waren wohl zeitnäher als die von Hupp«.294 Those three
typefaces, as well as Liturgisch, were each representative of the visual style of that Hupp
had practised in his other design work for decades. By 1910, Hupp was already fifty
years old. Perhaps his style was no longer one that spoke to as many book designers,
printers, and typographers as it had a decade earlier. While Hupp’s Rudhard/Klingspor
typefaces did sell, they did not do as well as he had hoped.295 The sales of his types
would fluctuate over the next few decades. Nevertheless, he did continue to develop
concepts for new typefaces. For example, at some point in late 1921, he seems to have
sent a proposal for a new typeface to Karl Klingspor, likely in part because of his
disappointment with the sales figures for his existing-work there. I do not know what
sort of typeface Hupp proposed, or how it may have looked; however, Klingspor
declined it. In a 30 December 1921 letter to Hupp, he wrote:
Dass der Verkauf Ihrer Schriften zurückging, kann Ihnen nicht schmerzlicher sein als
uns, zumal wir von fast allen anderen Schriften gewaltig gesteigerten Umsatz haben.
Was die vorgeschlagene neue Schrift betrifft, so hätte ich sie nicht empfohlen, wenn ich
an dem entsprechenden Absatz zweifelte. Die Schrift-Schnittkosten sind so hoch und
die Stempelschneider so gesucht und für die dringende Arbeiten nötig, dass ich nicht
daran denken kann, jetzt eine neue Type nur aus Repräsentations-Gründe zu schaffen.
Dass Sie lieber der einzige Künstler einer kleinen Schriftgießerei sein wollen, kann ich
gefühlsmäßig verstehen, aber der Standpunkt trifft, glaube ich, auch für Sie nicht das
Richtige. Wer für Ihre Arbeiten ist, die außerhalb dessen, was der Durchschnitt als
Zeitgeiste ansieht, liegen, muss schon etwas von Schrift verstehen, und unter den
292 See Hupp 1910
293 See Halbey 1991, p. 130
294 See Lange 1939
295 Hans Halbey reported that neither Hupp’s Liturgisch nor the Rudhard/Klingspor
typefaces designed by Heinz König – which I discuss in this chapter’s next section – sold
as well as the Eckmannschrift and Behrensschrift typefaces published at the beginning of
the decade; see Halbey 1991, p. 74–75
357
Figure 6.4.84 Hupp-Antiqua
Rudhard/Klingspor 1910
Figure 6.4.85 Hupp-Unziale
Rudhard/Klingspor 1910
Figure 6.4.86 (above) Hupp-Fraktur
Figure 6.4.87 (below) Drawing for Hupp-
Rudhard/Klingspor 1911
Fraktur; Otto Hupp, 1906
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
kleinen Gießereien kenne ich keine, der ich das auch bei wohlwollendster Beurteilung
nachsagen kann. Die großen Firmen, besonders diejenigen, die einen Namen habe,
können sich nicht auf einen Künstler einstellen. Das wäre etwa so, als wenn eine
Möbel-Firma oder eine Tapeten- oder Lampen-Fabrik nur Muster und Arbeiten eines
Künstlers brächte. Der Käufer geht lieber dahin, wo er eine Auswahl an guten Sachen
findet.296
According to Halbey, Klingspor did publish another Hupp typeface in 1922; this was
the Hupp-Schrägschrift, an oblique version of the foundry’s earlier Hupp-Fraktur.297
Circa 1911
Hoell only remained at Rudhard until 1904. Presumably, he found Flinsch – where he
was next employed – a better place to work. In 1916, Flinsch was acquired by the Bauer
typefoundry. Beginning at Flinsch, and later at Bauer, Hoell cut the typefaces for Willy
Wiegand’s Bremer Presse. The Bremer Presse was probably the largest of the German
private presses. Its types were designed by Willy Wiegand, and its first thirteen books
were set in the 16-point size of his Bremer-Presse-Antiqua type, the first of the Bremer
fonts, and the first whose punches were cut by Hoell. After the First World War, he
would cut 11- and 12-point sizes of that design, as well as three other Bremer Presse
typefaces. Wiegand is reported to have often sat next to Hoell while his punches were
being cut, to better communicate his design intentions to him.298 In Heinrich
Bachmair’s obituary for Hoell in the Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 1936, he wrote:
Insgesamt mögen in der Zusammenarbeit, zu der Dr. Wiegand und Louis Hoell im
Laufe der Jahre oft wochenlang vom Morgen bis zum Abend sich am Arbeitstisch
vereinten, einschließlich der zahlreichen über Jahre sich erstreckenden Versuchsschnitte … etwa viertausend Zeichen entstanden sein, von denen fast jedes die Arbeit
eines halben Tages erforderte.299
This kind of intensive collaboration was not uncommon for the creation of privatepress typefaces, but it is perhaps a sign that Wiegand was not able to communicate
very effectively what it was exactly what he wanted Hoell to cut. The cutting of the
Bremer Presse typefaces would likely have been less intensive for Hoell if Wiegand had
been able to formulate his designs better on paper.
The private presses seem to have been more willing to mention the contributions
of their punchcutters. Aside from perhaps Georg Hartmann and Karl Klingspor (the
owner/directors of the Bauer and Rudhard/Klingspor typefoundries, respectively),
Hoell was personally involved in the creation of more of the “artistic types” or Künstlerschriften produced between 1900 and 1935;300 for instance, through a contact with
Wiegand, the American printer Joseph Blumenthal also engaged Hoell at Bauer to cut
the Spiral type for his Spiral Press in New York.301 Wiegand wrote that »[Hoells Name
war] mit der typographischen Entwicklung unserer Zeit wie kaum ein andere
verknüpft … Der größte Teil der bedeutendsten Schriftschnitte der letzten 25 Jahre ist
von seiner Hand entstanden«. Blumenthal also recounted his collaboration with Hoell
296 See Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Nachlass Hupp 3, folder 2333, p. 1–2
297 See Halbey 1991, p. 132. Although Fraktur types do not have the tradition of using
italics or obliques as secondary faces, the way that roman type can with italics, Rudhard/
Klingspor did occasionally produce “italic” blackletters. About a decade before
Hupp-Schrägschrift, the foundry had published Rudolf Koch’s Deutsche Schrägschrift.
298 See Volke/Zeller 1966, p. 77
299 See Bachmair 1936, p. 207
300 See Volke/Zeller 1966, p. 23
301 See Ibid., p. 32–35 and Blumenthal 1982, p. 54–55 and 59
359
360
Schriftkünstler
in his own publications.302 Karl Klingspor does not seem to me to have been interested in attributing Hoell with anywhere near the same kind of credit for his work at
the Rudhard/Klingspor typefoundry.
1914
Peter Behrens’s Behrens-Mediäval typeface was the fourth of his designs to be published
by Rudhard/Klingspor, in 1914. Since Behrens collaborated with the firm for almost
decade-and-a-half, he was surely able to gradually improve the kind of drawings he
delivered to the typefoundry his designs over time. Rudolf Koch, as I discuss in the
next chapter, was an employee of the Rudhard/Klingspor typefoundry, and not an
external collaborator like Behrens, Eckmann, Hupp, or Tiemann. He would have
worked in the same building as the firm’s punchcutters. Therefore, I am not surprised
that he would have been more able to deliver the kinds of drawings to them that
required less interpretation – he could have discussed the matter with them while he
prepared his drawings in the first place.303
Behrens-Mediäval was the last printing type of Behrens’s design that would be
published, in 1914. Of all his published typefaces, it was his most conventional design.
The letters are shaped like old-style romans – Mediäval or Renaissance-Antiqua-Schriften
in German – that were gaining increased popularity in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries. Some examples of typefaces in that style were the Golden Type
designed by William Morris in the early 1890s for his Kelmscott Press, and the Doves
Roman designed by Emery Walker around 1900 for Walker and Thomas James
Cobden-Sanderson’s Doves Press. While both of those typefaces were designed and
produced in Britain, but Lettergieterij Amsterdam in the Netherlands published Hollandse
Mediaeval in 1912, a typeface designed by Sjoerd Hendrik de Roos. Several such typefaces were created the United States around this time, including the American Type
Founders Company’s “Cloister Old Style, designed by Morris Fuller Benton [and]
Jenson Old Style … designed by J.W. Phinney and cut by John Cumming,” from 1913
and 1893, respectively,304 as well as the first version of Bruce Rogers’s Centaur typeface,
which was produced in 1914.305 Unlike many other old-style faces of the period,
however, Behrens-Mediäval was not designed in the style of a specific fifteenth or
sixteenth-century punchcutter or printer. It was not a Jenson revival as, for instance,
the Doves Roman or Centaur had been.
As I mention above, the most exacting letter-drawings by Behrens to have survived
are those he made for the unrealised Behrens-Grotesk typeface. Aside from the Behrensschrift typeface, I cannot definitively attribute any of Behrens’s typeface to a specific
punchcutter from the Rudhard/Klingspor foundry. As I discussed in the section on
the Eckmannschrift above, a partial record of employees at Rudhard/Klingspor has
survived. Assuming that the Behrens-Kursiv, Behrens-Antiqua, and Behrens-Mediäval were
all produced between 1904 and 1914, the following punchcutters may have been
involved with their letters: Ottokar Brendler, Peter Burckhardt, Gustav Eichenauer,
Ferdinand Muntermann, Karl Pfefferle, Johannes Schade, Max Schiffer, Kaspar
Schmidt, Peter Schultheis, Alois Stölting, Paul Wahl, and Adam Wyrich.306 Furthermore, from a 1 August 1914 letter of Behrens’s to the Gebr. Klingspor about the design
of the unrealised Behrens-Grotesk,307 we know that the Rudhard/Klingspor type302 For example, see Joseph Blumenthal’s contribution to Volke/Zeller 1966, p. 32–35,
as well as Blumenthal 1982, p. 54–55 and 59
303 The »Fette deutsche Schrift« mentioned by Ernst Engel in Halbey 1991, p. 36–37
was the first of Rudolf Koch’s typefaces to be published. It was released by Rudhard/
Klingspor in 1910
304 See Kelly/Beletsky 2016, p. 18
305 Ibid., p. 29–37
306 See Halbey (undated)
307 On 1 August 1914, Germany declared war on Russia. Many historians mark this
date as the beginning of the First World War. Germany’s entry into the conflict, and
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
foundry also employed draftsperson in their type making process, in addition to
punchcutters. Behrens did not accept the changes that Klingspor’s draftsperson had
introduced into his Grotesk design. In his letter, he wrote:
Sie hatten damals von einem Ihrer Zeichner einige Worte nach meinem Schriftentwurf
zusammenstellen lassen. Da solche Zeichnungen nie den genauen Charakter des
Originals treffen, können kleine unverstandene Details der Schrift ein anderes Aussehen geben. Ich bitte Sie deshalb, wenn nochmals Versuche gemacht werden, Copien
von meinem Originalentwurf anfertigen zu lassen und die einzelnen Buchstaben zu
Wörtern zusammen zu reimen.308
Neither Rodenberg’s monograph on Karl Klingspor nor Klingspor’s recollections on his
career saw fit to mention any such draftspersons by name, or even to mention the
existence of company draftspersons in the first place. However, the work from
Klingspor’s drawing staff played a role in the appearance of final typefaces – in other
words, in their designs. The available sources provide no means of knowing how
many draftspersons worked inside the foundry at any given time.309
1917
During the First World War, Hupp designed a new Fraktur typeface for the Reichsdruckerei. Its trial size – probably 28 pt – was cut at the Reichsdruckerei by its typefounding staff
in 1917;310 however, the product, which came to be known as the Huppschrift, was not
used in any Reichsdruckerei printing until 1928.311 Why did Hupp, after switching his
representation from Genzsch’s firms to Rudhard/Klingspor, collaborate a decade later
with the Reichsdruckerei on a typeface? Since he was still proposing new typeface
concepts to Karl Klingspor as late as 1921, and they published the Hupp-Schrägschrift in
1922, I do not believe that there had been a break in his relationship with the Rudhard/
Klingspor foundry. Instead, I suspect his Reichsdruckerei collaboration had to do with
the wartime economy. While some typefoundries – such as D. Stempel AG in Frankfurt am Main – were able to switch their efforts toward weapons-production for the
war effort after August 1914, and through this to prosper enough economically to even
grow – Rudhard/Klingspor shrunk after the war’s outbreak. According to Hans Halbey,
the foundry had two hundred forty employees in 1914, but in 1915 it only employed
fifty-seven.312 Rudhard/Klingspor was able to navigate the new economic situation;
in 1917, the firm was employing one hundred seventy-five people, and from 1920 until
the post-1929 economic crash, it would keep up an employee headcount above three
hundred.313 Karl Klingspor was probably in no position between 1914 and 1917 to
effects of the war on the country’s economy, and on the ability of typefoundries to run
in general, are the likely reasons why the so-called Behrens-Grotesk typeface never went
into production.
308 See Klingspor Museum, Dauerleihgabe Behrens (no inventory numbers), 1 August
1914 letter from Peter Behrens to Gebr. Klingspor about the design of the Behrens-Grotesk
typeface, whose production was then underway.
309 Without better employee records, I also cannot know if other foundries hired any
women to work as draftspersons, as J.G. Schelter & Giesecke of Leipzig had with Lina
Burger, around the year 1900; see the Reichardt 2011 edition of Bauer 1914/1928, p. 96
310 The steel typographic punches cut at the Reichsdruckerei for the Huppschrift, i.e., the
master forms for the types’ production, survived the Second World War and the Museum
für Verkehr und Technik in West Berlin acquired them from the West German Bundesdruckerei during the 1980s. Today, they are in the Stiftung Deutsches Technikmuseum Berlin, where I
have seen them, but not yet inventoried them; see Stiftung Deutsches Technikmuseum
Berlin (Dauerausstellung Schreib- und Drucktechnik) 1/2018/0342
311 The Huppschrift was first used to set Reichsdruckerei 1928
312 See Halbey 1991, p. 18
313 Ibid.
361
362
Schriftkünstler
Figure 6.4.88 Drawings of initials or alternate capital letters for the Huppschrift
Otto Hupp, circa 1915
produce a new Hupp typeface, although a draft letter of Hupp’s in his Nachlass records
that he had submitted a »Cursiv-Entwurf« to Klingspor on 6 October 1915.314 The war
may have also caused economic hardship for Hupp, causing other clients to have to
stop sending him commissions; perhaps the Reichsdruckerei project was much-needed
government help. In Hupp’s draft of a letter for Reichsdruckerei director Görte from
October 1915, which he wrote to go with a shipment of drawings for the typeface, he
stated that the original scope of the project had foreseen the production of three
different sizes (although ten would eventually be cast).315 Hupp’s Nachlass has several
drawings for the Huppschrift; these are very clean, with crisp letter-outlines, and could
have been intended as production drawings for the Reichsdruckerei’s type-making staff
[see figs. 6.4.88].316 I was not able to find any indication in Hupp’s Nachlass about
why eleven years passed between the time in which the Huppschrift was cut and when
the Reichsdruckerei put it to use.
6.5
Conclusion
At the end of chapter one, I presented the five-category classification system for type
designers working in Imperial Germany that I developed for this book. In this chapter,
I discussed more than a dozen people I classify as belonging to my second group of
type designers, and five from my third group. Those type designers in my second
group are discussed in the small chronicle at the beginning of this chapter. In my
grand chronicle, I discussed the type designers from group three.
To recap, my second group of type designers comprises people who typefoundries
collaborated with between 1871 and 1898, but whose work was not necessarily consistently attributed to them by those foundries from the time of the typefaces’ releases.
Some of the products these people designed would be retroactively attributed to them
314 See Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Nachlass Hupp 3, item 1990, p. 474–476
315 See Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Nachlass Hupp 3, item 1990, p. 478–480
316 See Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Nachlass Hupp 2.1.1.1, folders 105, 106 and 107.
See also Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Nachlass Hupp 3, folder 250
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
by the foundries who had originally published the work, as was the case after about
1899 for the work that Hupp and König had each undertaken for Genzsch in the 1880s.
Both men designed typefaces over the following several decades; once it became de
rigueur for typefoundries to market typefaces as the work of specific, individual artists,
the new type specimen produced by Genzsch’s firms displaying products previously
designed by Hupp and König explicitly mentioned them as designers. Nevertheless, I
only know the names of the designers in my second group because someone attributed
the products they designed to them at some point. When this was not the foundry in
question, it was usually a printing journal or a secondary source like Friedrich Bauer’s
1914 and 1928 German typefounding chronicles (and printing journals were likely his
sources for many attributions I cite him as having made).
My third group comprises designers whose work was never published anonymously. This applies to all of Hupp’s post-1899 type-design work, as well as the
typefaces designed by Peter Behrens and Otto Eckmann, etc. People in this group were
generally already well-known in other areas of design before typefoundries published
new products based on their drawings. Hupp and König’s careers had only just begun
when they collaborated with Genzsch in the 1880s, but Hupp – in particular – was a
prolific Kunstgewerbler by the late 1890s, which was also the case with Behrens and
Eckmann. König was probably less well-known, comparatively, but he ran his own
printing house, and likely created new type designs from the late 1890s on out of a
personal wish to do so, and not out of financial necessity. He was not the young
journeyman he had been in the 1880s, either.
I address the role of a few people I don’t classify as type designers who I believe also
played “design” roles in the development of the products discussed in this chapter’s
grand chronicle, including the punchcutter Louis Hoell, the typefoundry owners Emil
Julius Genzsch and Karl Klingspor, and the Reichsdruckerei director, Heinrich Görte. I
believe that more people played “design” roles in the making of a typeface than the
people who have been named as type designers – or, to use the parlance of the latenineteenth and early-twentieth-century industry, Schriftkünstler – in typefoundry
publications or secondary sources produced by various printing-trade authors and
editors. In the next chapter, therefore, I propose a broader system of design attribution, which I find preferable to simply mentioning the designer, typefoundry, and year
of first publication, as has been standard practice in the literature for the last one
hundred twenty years when describing typefaces produced in industrial-era
typefoundries.
I do not consider my research to be about specific people in particular; the chronicles in this chapter present biographic details about several designers because the
typefaces that were published as a result of their collaborations with typefoundries
were – even though this statement borders on the tautological – created (in part) by
those persons. The chapter you are reading now is titled “the design of typefaces for
German typefoundries between 1871 and 1914;” my chronicles list a number of the
people who were doing that designing. For certain typefaces, I question how much
their typefaces’ “designers” actually were responsible for the products’ final appearances. The more sources that are available for a specific typeface’s development, the
more indications I find suggesting to me that those typefaces were designed not just
by the external collaborators the typefoundries traditionally attributed the typefaces’
designs to.
By “designing” in this context, I mean that the typefaces in my grand chronicle
(and maybe in my small chronicle, too) had their appearances first specified as
drawings on paper. These drawings were made by people who were not viewed in
society as being Handwerker; and indeed, in the printing trades, these designers were
even spoken about as being artists, or at as least people who created artistic works.
Their designs were realized by Handwerker inside the typefoundries. Those Handwerker
were usually punchcutters, who ostensibly followed the designers’ specifications. Yet,
where resources survive, it seems to me that the punchcutters contributed a non-trivial amount of the products’ final appearances themselves. I think that the punchcut-
363
364
Schriftkünstler
ters were designers, too, even though their designing took place in real-time, during
the material making of the master typographic punches, and not in preparatory
drawings. Even though I believe these Handwerker should be seen as designers today,
they were usually not mentioned in marketing materials promoting the typefaces
they contributed to. Nor would they likely have been considered “designers” by the
printing trade at the time when they were working, but most of the Schriftkünstler
would not have become Schriftkünstler without them. Men like Behrens or Eckmann
could not have cut their own punches.
The purpose of the images reproduced in this chapter’s grand chronicle is to show
that external artists may have been able to provide typefoundries with drawings for
ornaments and initials that required little or no interpretation by internal typemaking staff (i.e., punchcutters),317 but that this was not the case when it came to
alphabetic typefaces. Interpretation and corrections on the part of the punchcutter
were necessary. I regret that the examples I have the best-preserved drawings for – the
Behrensschrift and Eckmannschrift – were both cut by the same punchcutter at the same
typefoundry. I believe that the discrepancies in the appearances of the letterforms
between those designers’ surviving drawings and the finished typefaces are large
enough to allow for a narrative that assigns a greater “design” role to the maker, or
makers, of their typefaces. I find it unfortunate that more of Otto Hupp’s drawings for
the typefaces he designed have not survived, and that I was not able to find any
drawings for the typefaces attributed to Heinz König. More process and production
drawings from these and other type designers active between 1871 and 1914 might
help me decide exactly how much of a typeface’s design typically came from its
“designer,” and how much of it was added into the mix by a typefoundry’s typemaking staff. Ideally, I would have more similarly-documented examples with which I
could buttress my hypothesis.
Figure 6.5.1 Portrait of the punchcutter Louis
Figure 6.5.2 Portrait of Louis Hoell at work
Hoell; J.F. Gutermann, unknown date
J.F. Gutermann, unknown date
317 Unlike the Eckmannschrift and Behrensschrift drawings I reproduced, Otto Hupp’s
letter drawings have never been published, and I do not believe that the typographic
historical community is even aware of them. This is part of why I have reproduced them
here. Indeed, I have reproduced almost every letterform drawing from his Nachlass in
this chapter, for that very reason.
Chapter 6: Type design in German foundries from 1871 to 1914
Figure 6.5.3 First page of Louis Hoell’s obituary
Gutenberg-Gesellschaft, 1936
365
List of abbreviations
DB
DNB-L
DP
DS
LA
NB
NL
ÖNB
PL
PP
SDTB
SBB-PK
SMB-PK
TE
TF-J
UL
ULB
Deutsche Bücherei, Leipzig
Deutsche Nationalbibliothek, Leipzig branch
Collection of Daria Petrova, Berlin
Collection of David Shields, Richmond/Virginia
Letterform Archive, San Francisco
Nasjonalbiblioteket (National Library of Norway)
Nachlass
Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna
Public Library
Buchstaben-Bibliothek der Pavillon-Presse, Weimar
Stiftung Deutsches Technikmuseum Berlin
Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz
Collection of Torbjøn Eng, Oslo
Collection Tobias Frere-Jones, Brooklyn
University Library
Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek
The abbreviation “Haenel/Gronau” is the used in the text to refer to the typefoundry
established by Eduard Haenel inside his Magdeburg printing house in 1830. He moved
it to Berlin after a fire in 1838. Haenel passed away in 1856; Karl Wilhelm Gronau purchased the printing house – including the typefoundry – in 1864, changing the name of
the company to Wilhelm Gronaus Buchdruckerei und Schriftgießerei. The printing and typefounding parts of the business were split apart from each other in 1905; the typefoundry
was taken over by the Gebr. Klingspor typefoundry of Offenbach am Main in 1918. See
the Reichardt 2011 edition of Bauer 1914/1918, p. 24 and 109. Likewise, I use the abbreviation “Rudhard/Klingspor” in the text to refer to the Rudhard’sche Gießerei of Offenbach am
Main after it was purchased by the Gießen cigar manufacturer Carl Klingspor for his
sons Karl and Wilhelm in 1892. Carl Klingspor died in 1903; his sons changed the name
of the firm to Gebr. Klingspor in 1906. Wilhelm Klingspor died of war-inflicted injuries in
1925; his brother Karl Klingspor continued at the business until his own death in 1950.
The typefoundry continued to operate until 1956; see Klingspor 1949, the Reichardt 2011
edition of Bauer 1914/1928, p. 121–123, and Reichardt 2 (undated).
“Hoefer/Reichardt (undated),” “Reichardt 1 (undated),” and “Reichardt 2 (undated)”
are pages on the Klingspor Museum website that each link to additional Klingspor
Museum website pages, and/or to PDF files stored on the Klingspor Museum website’s
server. Since the navigation of those webpages is rather straightforward, and the pages’
entries are ordered alphabetically, I have not listed the individual URLs of each of those
three webpages’ subpages in this work’s previous pages, or in my bibliography. Instead,
I assume that all readers will be capable of quickly coming to their sought-after information with just the section category URLs being provided in the bibliography.
All image reproductions that do not contain an attributions to an individual or an
institution are reproduced from books in my own collection. Since the “charts” appearing in the previous ten chapters of this work do not contain any imagery, they do not
appear in the following List of illustrations. Any textual sources I relied on to create those
charts are cited in the respective charts’ captions, as well as in the main body of this
book’s text, in the paragraphs and footnotes that reference those charts.
List of illustrations
Figure 1.8.1 Bauer 1930s, no page numbers. Specimen
sheet for four Bauer’sche Gießerei typefaces. Each
is attributed to a “designer.” The description of the
Bodoni-Antiqua typeface (later referred to in the design
press as “Bauer Bodoni”) is about the punchcutter Louis
Hoell, instead of e.g., Giambattista Bodoni, on whose
century-old types the product was based. What is not
explicitly stated on this sheet is that Hoell – as the
head of Bauer’s engraving department – would have
been responsible for the production of the punches
or matrices for all typefaces depicted. Cropped, but
reproduced at actual size. The sheet’s full dimensions
measure 22.1 × 30.1 centimetres.
Figure 2.4.1 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München, Einbl.
VIII,6§2, urn:nbn:de:bvb:12-bsb00095388-4. Singlesheet type specimen printed by Erhard Ratdolt,
entitled the Index characterum diversarum manerierum
impressioni paratarum. Augsburg 1486. Sheet mounted
on board measuring 31.9 × 44.4 cm. Cropped and
reproduced at three-quarter size. Bildnachweis:
Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München.
Figure 2.4.2 Sabon Next 2003, vol. 1, p. 2. The so-called
“Egenolff–Berner” specimen sheet printed in Frankfurt am Main; see Egenolff–Berner 1592. Reproduced
at half size; the dimensions of the specimen sheet’s
print area are 30.2 × 47.6 cm.
Figure 3.4.1 AfB 1896, col. 407–408. Type specimen
printed in Archiv für Buchdruckerkunst und verwandte
Geschäftszweige to advertise the publication of Bauer
& Co.’s Schattierte Grotesk typeface, which had likely
been produced in 1894 or 1895. It appears in Bauer &
Co.’s 1895 type specimen catalogue, but not in three
undated catalogues I have examined that are attributed by the SBB-PK as being from 1895, too (those
are probably just from the first half of the 1890s).
Cropped, but reproduced at actual size. The full page’s
dimensions are 22 × 29 cm. Image courtesy of Mathieu
Lommen, UL Amsterdam.
Figure 3.4.2 Berthold 1909, p. 353. Specimen page for
several sizes of the Accidenz-Grotesk typeface, from
a catalogue featuring all, or nearly all, of H. Berthold AG’s product range. Accidenz-Grotesk was first
published in 1898. It was either produced by Bauer
& Co. in Stuttgart or by their mother company, H.
Berthold AG in Berlin. In the top-left corner of the
page is a notice that this product had been developed
in-house, and that its design had been registered for
a design patent, as regulated per the Geschmacksmustergesetz. Cropped, but reproduced at actual size; full
page dimensions are 19.5 × 29.3 cm. Image courtesy of
Jean-Baptiste Levée, Production Type, Paris.
Figure 3.4.3 Comparison of the 20, 24, 28, 36, and 48 pt
sizes of Schattierte Grotesk from figure 3.4.1 and Accidenz-Grotesk from figure 3.4.2. Accidenz-Grotesk appears
to have the same letterforms as Schattierte Grotesk, just
without the drop shadow. Since Schattierte Grotesk was
published by Bauer & Co. before that foundry was
acquired by Berthold, I suspect that Accidenz-Grotesk’s
punches and matrices were also initially produced
inside the Bauer & Co. premises in Stuttgart, rather
than at Berthold in Berlin. Yet wherever it was initially
produced, it was cast and sold from both locations.
Figure 3.4.4 Berthold 1909, p. 352. Specimen page for
several sizes of the Royal-Grotesk typeface, from a catalogue featuring all, or nearly all, of H. Berthold AG’s
circa 1911 product. Royal-Grotesk was produced in 1902
by Berthold in Berlin and/or by their Stuttgart subsidiary, Bauer & Co. It was published in 1903; see AfB 1903,
p. 19. In the top-left corner of this page is a notice that
the product had been developed in-house, and that
its design had been registered for a design patent, as
regulated per the Geschmacksmustergesetz. Another
notice at the bottom of the page reads: »Als Auszeichnung kann nachstehende Accidenz-Grotesk Seite
353 benutzt werden. Beide Schriften haben dieselbe
Linie.« [See fig. 3.4.2] Eventually, Royal-Grotesk would
be brought into the Akzidenz-Grotesk family, renamed
Akzidenz-Grotesk mager, or light [see fig. 3.4.5]. Cropped,
but reproduced at actual size; full page dimensions
are 19.5 × 29.3 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu
Berlin, Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 3.4.5 Berthold 1958, »Schriften-Verzeichnis«
section (no page numbers). This page lists all of the
members of the Akzidenz-Grotesk family that H. Berthold AG had produced by 1958, with the dates of their
manufacture. The book itself was designed by Günter
Gerhard Lange; when he made his 1998 and 2003 statements about the origins of Akzidenz-Grotesk, he may
have he no longer had the information from this list in
mind. If he did, he must have no longer believed that
it was accurate. Cropped, but reproduced at actual size.
The page’s full dimensions measure 19.9 × 22.7 cm.
Figure 3.4.6 Stiftung Deutsches Technikmuseum Berlin,
catalogue item III.2-24299 (no page numbers). Specimen page for several sizes of Royal-Grotesk from a
Theinhardt foundry catalogue that eventually became
part of Berthold’s internal company library. This is
probably the last specimen catalogue that Theinhardt
produced after they were purchased by Berthold; see
Theinhardt 1908/09. According to Jolles 1923 and
SchumacherGebler 2008, that catalogue included typefaces from Berthold that had never previously been
sold by Theinhardt (which the Theinhardt foundry
had not manufactured). Royal-Grotesk is one of those
examples. The attribution and design patent registration notices in the upper-left and -right corners
should not be read as implying that Theinhardt created
or registered this design; Theinhardt was already part
of the Berthold firm when this page was printed. Berthold had been the firm to produce and register these
types. Nevertheless, the inclusion of this page in a
Theinhardt catalogue seems to me to be what misled
Günter Gerhard Lange into believing that RoyalGrotesk had indeed originated with the Theinhardt
foundry, rather than with Berthold. Cropped, but
reproduced at actual size. The page’s full page dimensions measure 23.7 × 29.6 cm. Bildnachweis: SDTB.
508
Schriftkünstler
Figure 3.4.7 Stiftung Deutsches Technikmuseum Berlin,
catalogue item III.2-24299 (no page numbers). Specimen page for several sizes of Accidenz-Grotesk from a
Theinhardt foundry catalogue that eventually became
part of the Berthold’s internal company library. This
is probably last specimen catalogue that Theinhardt
produced after they were purchased by Berthold; see
Theinhardt 1908/09. According to Jolles 1923 and
SchumacherGebler 2008, that catalogue included
typefaces from Berthold that had never previously
been sold by Theinhardt (which the Theinhardt
foundry had not manufactured). Accidenz-Grotesk is
one of those examples. Unlike in figure 3.4.2, there is
no mention on the page of the design of this typeface
being protected. This is likely because, by the time this
page was printed, Accidenz-Grotesk’s design would no
longer have been protected under the Geschmacksmustergesetz. Upon Accidenz-Grotesk’s registration in 1898,
it had received an initial period of protection of three
years (see Reichsanzeiger 1898), which Berthold may
have afterwards had extended for another number
of years. Cropped, but reproduced at actual size. The
page’s full page dimensions measure 24.5 × 31.8 cm.
Bildnachweis: SDTB.
Figure 4.2.1.1 Maier (undated), p. 17. This is a reproduction of an 1881 illustration of part of a page of a book
printed in 1479 by Conrad Winters de Homborch
in Cologne – an edition of De lepra morali, written by
Johannes Nider. The illustration depicts a piece of
type that became displaced from the forme while
printing was underway. Actual size.
Figure 4.2.1.2 Carter 1969/2002, illustration section
(no page numbers). Carter described this illustration thusly: “‘Admonition to the skilled tradesman’,
a woodcut in Cornelis van der Heyden, Corte instruccye
ende onderwys (Ghent, J. Lambrecht, 1545). British
Museum, 843. e. 17 (6). A caster is to be seen in the
background.”
Figure 4.2.1.3 Carter 1969/2002, illustration section
(no page numbers). Carter described this illustration
thusly: “‘The Typefounder’, a woodcut by Jost Amman
in Hans Sachs, Eygentliche Beschreibung aller Stände und
Handwerker, (Frankfurt am Main, 1568.) British
Museum, C. 57. B. 25.”
Figure 4.2.2.1 Klingspor 1949, p. 74. Cropped elements
from an illustration of a punchcutter at work that
show artefacts from the process a making of piece of
type by hand. Probably drawn by Willi Harweth. The
full illustration is shown in figure 4.4.3.1.
Figures 4.2.5.1 and 4.2.5.2 Moxon/Carter/Davis 1962,
p. 124–125. Two prints from Joseph Moxon, based
on letterforms found in typefaces cut by the Dutch
punchcutter Christoffel van Dijck. One plate has
uppercase letters, the other lowercase letters and
numerals. These were included in Moxon 1683–84 as
model roman typeforms. Ibid., p. 126–130 reproduce
similar plates with model italic and blackletter typeforms. Cropped, but reproduced at actual size.
Figure 4.2.5.3 Mosley 2002, p. 43. Reproduction of a copperplate engraving produced by Louis Simonneau in
1695. It depicts the French Academy of Science’s design
for the lowercase letters of the planned Romain du Roi
typeface. Cropped, but reproduced at actual size.
Figure 4.2.5.4 Ibid., p. 46. Reproduction of a copperplate
engraving produced by Louis Simonneau in 1716, with
a finer grid than the previous image. It depicts the
French Academy of Science’s design for the six upper-
case letters of the Romain du Roi. Cropped, but reproduced at actual size.
Figure 4.2.6.1 Diderot/d’Alembert 1763, plates volume (no
page numbers). Plate from the Encyclopédie illustrating
a typefoundry interior and the making of typographic
punches and counterpunches.
Figure 4.2.6.2 Fournier/Carter/Mosley 1995, vol. 1, fold-out
plate iv. Facsimile of Fournier’s Manuel Typographique.
Portion of the plate showing punches and a counterpunch. English-language descriptions of each item are
on Ibid., vol. 3, p. 302–303. Cropped, but reproduced at
actual size. Actual dimensions of the plate’s print area
are 17.8 × 12 cm.
Figure 4.2.6.3 Cinamon 2000, p. 147. Woodcut illustration
made by Fritz Kredel to accompany Koch/Kredel 1932,
an English-language article on manual punchcutting
in The Colophon. Reproduced here at one-and-a-half
size.
Figure 4.3.2.1 No portrait of Friedrich Bauer has yet been
published. This private photograph was taken by
his daughter-in-law in their garden at Schönberg im
Taunus, probably in 1940 or 1942. According to text
printed on its reverse, it was developed at Foto Haas at
Steinweg 6 in Frankfurt am Main. The photograph is
reproduced at actual size and shown here courtesy of
Dr. Michael Bauer, Krönberg im Taunus – Friedrich
Bauer’s grandson and Konrad Friedrich Bauer’s son.
Figure 4.3.2.2 Konrad Friedrich Bauer 1943 (no page
numbers). Illustrated portrait of Konrad Friedrich
Bauer drawn by Karl Friedrich Lippmann. Reproduced in significant reduction. The dimensions of the
full sheet the illustration appears on measure 22.3 ×
30.6 cm.
Figure 4.4.1.1 Dreyfus 1952, p. 143. Undated photograph
showing Jan van Krimpen and Paul Helmut Rädisch
discussing the design of van Krimpen’s Spectrum typeface. Reproduced at actual size. Image courtesy of
LucasFonts GmbH.
Figure 4.4.1.2 Ibid. Portrait of Rädisch cutting a punch,
photographed in 1951. Reproduced at actual size.
Image courtesy of LucasFonts GmbH.
Figure 4.4.3.1 Klingspor 1949, p. 74. Illustration of a punchcutter at work. Probably drawn by Willi Harweth.
Cropped, but reproduced at actual sized. Full page
dimensions are 17.7 × 25.5 cm.
Figure 4.4.3.2 Ibid., p. 75. Illustration of a typefoundry
worker operating a pantograph matrix-engraving
machine. Probably drawn by Willi Harweth. Cropped
and reduced. Full page dimensions are 17.7 × 25.5 cm.
Figure 4.4.3.3 Schmets 1987 (no page numbers). Photograph by Ronald Schmets showing the cutting of a
soft-metal patrix at D. Stempel AG in Frankfurt am
Main during the 1980s, before the company closed.
This photograph shows a punchcutter engraving
an italic letter m into a block of soft metal; from this
patrix, a matrix will be produced via electrotyping.
Cropped and reduced; original size 27.7× 18.4 cm.
Figure 4.4.3.4 Still from Berthold 1937, a promotional film
depicting the type-making process at the H. Berthold
AG typefoundry of Berlin. This image shows patrices
for two different typefaces. The patrices in the film
were cut with pantographic punchcutting machines,
rather than by hand.
List of illustrations
Figure 4.4.3.5 Still from Ibid. showing a typefoundry
employee preparing five patrices for electrotyping.
Figure 4.4.3.6 Still from Ibid. reproducing part of an
animation explaining the electrochemical bath’s role
in the electrotyping process. A plate of nickel (left)
slowly dissolves; the bits of that nickel plate then begin
to adhere on the surface of the patrices, eventually
growing negative impressions around those letterforms.
Figure 4.4.3.7 Still from Ibid. showing several patrices,
after their removal from the electrochemical bath.
Figure 4.4.3.8 Konrad Friedrich Bauer 1931a, p. 9. Illustration of the positive and negative forms from the
electrotyping process. In an electrochemical bath, the
negative letters in the top half of part of the bottom
line are “grown” around the positive letterforms
shown in the middle line. Reproduced at actual size.
Figure 4.4.3.9 Still from Berthold 1937 showing the “eye”
that had been grown around the patrix of a capital B in
an electrochemical bath.
Figure 4.4.3.10 Still from Berthold 1937 showing a finished
electrotyped matrix. An “eye” has been placed inside
a metal bar, forming a matrix that could then be used
for typecasting.
Figure 5.1.1 Trowitzsch & Sohn 1854–1855 (no page
numbers). First of three specimen sheets for the
Schmale Midolline types, produced by the Trowitzsch
& Sohn typefoundry of Berlin. Image cropped, but
reproduced at actual size. The dimensions of the
original sheet are 23.5 × 27.1 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf:
Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.3.1 Tholenaar 2010, p. 121. Type specimen sheet
displaying types from the Walbaums’ typefoundry
in Weimar. Bound with an 1835 issue of the Journal
für Buchdruckerkunst, Schriftgießerei und verwandte Fächer.
Image shown slightly reduced; copyright Reinoud
Tholenaar and Saskia Ottenhoff-Tholenaar.
Figure 5.6.1 Haenel/Gronau’s Midolline typeface. Circa
1851. Canon size, approximately 36 Didot-points. From
Gronau 1879, p. 277. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen
zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.6.2 Haenel/Gronau’s Verzierte Midolline. 1863. 72 pt.
From Gronau 1891, p. 72. Image courtesy of LucasFonts
GmbH.
Figure 5.6.3 Untitled wood type font from Gebr. Nickel
in Dessau. Reproduced from Nickel 1854 (no page
numbers). Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.6.4 Gebr. Fickert’s untitled display typeface, product number 144. From Fickert 1866, reverse side of the
broadsheet (no page numbers). Bildnachweis: DNB-L.
Figure 5.6.5 Untitled Cicero-sized typeface (approximately
12 Didot points) originally published by J.G. Schelter
& Giesecke at Leipzig as their Zierschrift sheet number
333. Reproduced here from Bauer 1877 (no page
numbers), Zierschriften page with the product numbers
482–491; in that catalogue, this is product number 482.
Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.6.6 Trowitzsch & Sohn’s Schmale Midolline. 1854.
Canon size, approximately 36 pt. From Trowitzsch &
Sohn 1854–1855. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu
Berlin, Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.6.7 Haenel/Gronau’s Magere Bastard. 1860s. Doppelmittel size, approximately 28 pt. From Gronau 1891,
p. 74. Image courtesy of LucasFonts GmbH.
Figure 5.6.8 Haenel/Gronau’s Fette Bastard. 1871. 6 Cicero
size, approximately 72 pt. From Gronau 1879, p. 143.
Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.6.9 Flinsch’s Halbfette Midolline. 1874. 84 pt. From
Flinsch 1898, p. 49. Bildnachweis: Staatsbibliothek zu
Berlin.
Figure 5.6.10 Flinsch’s Schmale Midolline. Circa 1880. 36 pt.
Ibid., p. 47. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.6.11 Flinsch’s Moderne Midolline. 1891. 36 pt. Ibid.,
p. 48. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.6.12 C.F. Rühl’s Antike Midolline. Circa 1900. 48-pt
size. From Rühl 1900, p. 55. Bildnachweis: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin.
Figure 5.6.13 J. John Söhne’s Römische Midoline. Designed
at some point between about 1900 and 1906. From
Wetzig 1926, p. 69
Figure 5.7.1 Gronau 1879, vol. 2, handwritten sheet number
277. The two largest sizes of Midolline that the Haenel/
Gronau typefoundry produced. Photograph of an
undated specimen sheet, produced by the Haenel typefoundry in Berlin, circa 1851. Later bound into Gronau
1879. Another print of this sheet was likewise bound
into Haenel 1847. Cropped, but reproduced at actual
size. Dimensions of the full sheet are 24 × 31.8 cm.
Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.7.2 Dresler 1854, single-sheet type specimen
supplement, produced by the Dresler typefoundry of
Frankfurt am Main to accompany the 15.1854 issue of
the Journal. This specimen does not display Midolline
as a typeface for sale; however, the headline at the top
of the sheet – reading »Dresler’sche Giesserei in Frankfurt a.M.« – is set in Midolline. Reproduced at 33 per
cent size; actual sheet dimensions are 52.2 × 37.1 cm.
Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.7.3 Ibid. Cropped and reproduced at actual size.
Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.7.4 Nickel 1854, single-sheet type specimen
supplement, produced by Gebr. Nickel in Dessau to
accompany the 8.1854 issue of the Journal. While the
name Midolline is not printed on this specimen, the
design does appear twice. The headline at the top
of the page reading »Stereotypie, Schneiderei und
Gießerei für Plakat-Schriften und Vignetten« is set in
Midolline. The second line of the specimen, reading
»Braunschweig«, is set in a font of the Midolline design
produced by Gebr. Nickel as a wood typeface. Cropped
and reduced. Sheet measures 38.2 × 47.9 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek;
Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.7.5 Trowitzsch & Sohn 1854–1855 (no page
numbers). Second of three specimen sheets for the
Schmale Midolline types, produced by the Trowitzsch
& Sohn typefoundry of Berlin. Image cropped, but
reproduced at actual size. The dimensions of the
original sheet are 23.5 × 27.1 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf:
Dietmar Katz.
509
510
Schriftkünstler
Figure 5.7.6 Ibid. Third of three specimen sheets for the
Schmale Midolline types, produced by the Trowitzsch
& Sohn typefoundry of Berlin. Image cropped, but
reproduced at actual size. The dimensions of the
original sheet are 23.5 × 27.1 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf:
Dietmar Katz.
foundry of Philadelphia. This page shows five sizes of
Borussian and Boldface Borussian, which were the Magere
Bastard and Fette Bastard types originally produced by
the Haenel/Gronau typefoundry in Berlin. Reproduced at actual size. The full page’s dimensions are 15.3
× 23.6 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.8.1 Midolle 1834–35, title sheet. Image cropped
and reduced; courtesy of the LA. Of this title sheet, Rob
Roy Kelly wrote that, “Midolle used a modern display
Clarendon some ten years before it was common to
the typefounders, and the shaded interior treatment of
these letters equally predates the typical Zebra designs
of the 1840’s. The line shade on the letters in ‘lithography of Emile Simons Fils’ convincingly demonstrates
the origin of this device as it was extensively used by
typefounders. In these same specimens, one may find
the prototype for French Clarendons which were not
marketed by founders for another thirty years.” See
Kelly 1969, p. 19
Figure 5.10.1 Comparison of Haenel’s Midolline typeface
and Miller & Richard’s Saxon Text, the latter of whose
letters are almost certainly duplicates of the former.
Graphic made from Gronau 1891, p. 70 and a Miller &
Richard type specimen catalogue originally printed
in circa 1873; see M&R 1873 (no page numbers). The
images compares all four sizes the Miller & Richard
typefoundry of Edinburgh and London showed in
that catalogue with their respective four from the
eight sizes of Midolline originally produced at Haenel/
Gronau in Berlin, circa 1851. Specimen lines reproduced at actual size. Scan of Gronau 1891, p. 70 courtesy of LucasFonts GmbH.
Figure 5.8.2 Midolle 1834–35, plate 40. Reduced; image
courtesy of LA.
Figure 5.12.1 Flinsch 1898, p. 49, specimen for Halbfette
Midolline. This typeface was first published by the
Flinsch typefoundry of Frankfurt am Main in 1874.
Cropped, but reproduced at actual size. Full page
dimension 18.2 × 27.3 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatliche
Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.8.3 Ibid., plate 35. Reduced; image courtesy of LA.
Figure 5.8.4 Ibid., plate 19. Reduced; image courtesy of LA.
Figure 5.8.5 Ibid., plate 12. Reduced; image courtesy of LA.
Figure 5.8.6 Ibid., plate 33. Reduced; image courtesy of LA.
Figure 5.9.1 Gronau 1891, p. 74. This type specimen catalogue page shows the sizes of Magere Bastard produced
by the Haenel/Gronau typefoundry in the 1860s and
early 1870s. The types’ first appearances in foundry
specimen were on undated specimen sheets produced
by Haenel/Gronau that would e.g., later be bound into
Gronau 1879, vol. 1, as handwritten sheet numbers 137
and 141. By the time Gronau 1891 was printed, other
German typefounders were already marketing Magere
Bastard and Fette Bastard [see fig. 5.9.2] with names
that were variations on Midolline – itself a typeface
that had originated at Haenel/Gronau [see figs. 5.9.5
and 5.9.6]. Despite the practices of their competitors, Gronau continued to distribute the Bastard types
under their original names. Page cropped, but reproduced at actual size; its full dimensions are 16.2 × 23.8
cm. Image courtesy of LucasFonts GmbH.
Figure 5.9.2 Display showing seven of the eight sizes of
Fette Bastard, from Gronau 1891, p. 73. Produced by
the Haenel/Gronau typefoundry during the 1860s
and early 1870s. The types’ first appearances in typefoundry specimen were on undated specimen sheets
produced by Haenel/Gronau that were e.g., later
bound into Gronau 1879, vol. 1 as handwritten sheet
numbers 137 and 143. Page cropped, but reproduced
at actual size; its full dimensions are 16.2 × 23.8 cm.
Image courtesy of LucasFonts GmbH.
Figure 5.9.3 Gronau 1879, vol. 1, handwritten sheet
number 137. Loose specimen sheet produced by
the Haenel/Gronau typefoundry of Berlin, probably during the 1860s or early 1870s. The first, third,
and fourth types on the sheet – bearing the product
numbers 550, 552, and 553 – are early showings of two
sizes of Gronau’s Magere Bastard and one size of their
Fette Bastard types. Cropped, but reproduced at actual
size; the sheet’s full dimensions are 24 × 31.5 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.9.4 MS&J 1885b, p. 284. Type specimen catalogue
printed by the MacKellar, Smiths & Jordan type-
Figure 5.12.2 A comparison of three typefaces, each of
which was sometimes sold with the term Midolline in
its name. In the bottom row, the typeface’s uppercase letters are similar to those from the typeface in
the middle row; however, its lowercase letters are
like those in the top row. The typeface in the top row
is Trowitzsch & Sohn’s Schmale Midolline. The image
reproduces its Doppelmittel size, from Trowitzsch
& Sohn 1854–1855. The middle row shows Haenel/
Gronau’s Fette Bastard design, whose punches were
cut at (or for) Gronau, probably during the 1860s. The
image reproduces a specimen of the typeface’s Doppelmittel size from Berger 1883, p. 108. Berger’s catalogue
called the typeface Moderne fette Midolline, instead of
Fette Bastard. The bottom row shows Halbfette Midolline, whose punches were likely cut at (or for) Flinsch
in the early 1870s. The image reproduces three words
the typeface’s Doppelmittel size from Berger 1883, p.
110. Berger called this typeface Schmale enge Midolline
instead of Halbfette Midolline. Images cropped and
reduced. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.12.3 Flinsch 1898, p. 47, specimen for Schmale
Midolline. This typeface was first created at the Flinsch
typefoundry of Frankfurt am Main at some point
during 1870s or by the early years of the 1880s at the
latest. Cropped, but reproduced at actual size. Full page
dimension 18.2 × 27.3 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatliche
Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar
Katz.
Figure 5.12.4 Comparison of Flinsch’s Schmale Midolline and
Moderne Midolline; taken from figures 5.12.3 and 5.12.5
Figure 5.12.5 Flinsch 1898, p. 48, specimen for Moderne
Midolline. This typeface was published by the Flinsch
typefoundry of Frankfurt am Main in 1891. Cropped,
but reproduced at actual size. Full page dimension 18.2
× 27.3 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 5.13.1 Klinkhardt 1887 (no page numbers). Spread
illustrating Midolline’s typical sorting within type-
List of illustrations
foundry catalogues. The Midolline types – of any design
– were usually grouped together with Kanzlei-style
typefaces, as well as with other decorative designs.
Reproduced at actual size. Bildnachweis: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin.
Figure 5.13.2 Friedrich Bauer 1901, p. 50. List of five
Neudeutsch-style typefaces. For this list, Friedrich
Bauer selected five visually-similar typefaces from as
many foundries. From top to bottom, the typefaces
are Neudeutsch, designed by Otto Hupp and published
by E.J. Genzsch in Munich and Genzsch & Heyse of
Hamburg; another Neudeutsch, designed and (probably) cut by Georg Schiller at the Reichsdruckerei in
Berlin; the Behrensschrift, designed by Peter Behrens,
cut by Louis Hoell, and published by the Rudhard/
Klingspor typefoundry in Offenbach am Main; the
Augsburger Schrift, designed by Peter Schnorr and
published by H. Berthold AG in Berlin; and ReichsDeutsch, published by Haenel/Gronau. Reproduced at
actual size.
Figure 6.1.1 Genzsch & Heyse 1904, p. 1. Calendar for 1904,
primarially composed in the Neudeutsch typeface and
the Otto-Hupp-Ornamente, both designed by Otto Hupp
in Schleißheim, near Munich, for the Genzsch foundries (E.J. Genzsch in Munich and Genzsch & Heyse in
Hamburg). Hupp also drew this heraldic illustration.
The cover typeface is Baltisch, made by the foundry and
based on Neudeutsch. Reproduced at actual size.
Figure 6.4.1 Display of the Nordische Initialen from E.J.
Genzsch’s 1902 type specimen catalogue. The Nordische
Initialen had been drawn by Heinz König of Lüneburg
– at a time he may have been living in Hamburg – and
published in 1881 by Genzsch & Heyse. See De Jong/
Purvis/Tholenaar 2010, vol. 2, p. 57. Image reproduced
at actual size; copyright Reinoud Tholenaar and Saskia
Ottenhoff-Tholenaar.
Figure 6.4.2 Display of the Gothische Initialen from a 1902
E.J. Genzsch type specimen catalogue. The Gothische
Initialen had been drawn by Heinz König of Lüneburg
– at a time he may have been living in Hamburg – and
published in 1881 by Genzsch & Heyse. See De Jong/
Purvis/Tholenaar 2010, vol. 2, p. 57. Image reproduced
at actual size; copyright Reinoud Tholenaar and Saskia
Ottenhoff-Tholenaar.
Figure 6.4.3 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 25. Undated, but probably
from between 1880 and 1883. Drawn by Otto Hupp
in Munich. This appears to me to be both a drawing for the Neue Ornamente – cf. Genzsch 1890 (no
page numbers), product numbers 187–199 – and for
Hupp 1883, p. 21. The Neue Ornamente were designed
by Otto Hupp for Emil Julius Genzsch, and produced
by E.J. Genzsch in Munich and Genzsch & Heyse in
Hamburg. This drawing’s layout is identical to the
page layout of Hupp 1883, p. 21. It is not possible for me
to tell if this drawing is the basis for the production of
both Neue Ornamente and Hupp 1883, p. 21, or if the type
was produced from other drawings, and Hupp merely
created this drawing so that an etching could be made,
with which Knorr & Hirth would print Hupp 1883,
p. 21. I believe that it is possible that both the type and
the book are two results of the same project – i.e., of
the same master drawings. Reproduced at actual size.
Bildnachweis: Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.4 Comparison of drawings for four of the ornaments drawn by Otto Hupp and shown in figure 6.4.3
with their appearance in print inside an E.J. Genzsch
type specimen catalogue, cf. figure 6.4.5. Actual size.
Figure 6.4.5 Genzsch 1902, p. 426. E.J. Genzsch type specimen catalogue page for the Renaissance-Ornamente, as
the ornaments originally published as Neue Ornamente
had by this point been renamed. Slightly cropped, but
reproduced at actual size. Full page dimensions measure 16.1 × 25.9 cm.
Figure 6.4.6 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 28. Undated, but probably
from 1880. Drawn by Otto Hupp in Munich and
signed. This appears to me to be both a drawing for
the Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen, erste Serie, Garnituren
XXIII–XXVI – cf. Genzsch 1890 (no page numbers) –
and Hupp 1883, p. 7. The Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen,
erste Serie were designed by Otto Hupp for Emil Julius
Genzsch, and produced by E.J. Genzsch in Munich and
Genzsch & Heyse in Hamburg. This drawing’s layout
is identical to Hupp 1883, p. 7. It is not possible for me
to tell if this drawing is the basis for the production of
both Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen, erste Serie, Garnituren XXIII–XXVI and Hupp 1883, p. 7, or if the type was
produced from other drawings, and Hupp merely
created this drawing so that an etching could be made,
with which Knorr & Hirth would print the page. I
believe that it is possible that both the type and the
book are two results of the same project. The letters in
Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen, erste Serie, Garnitur XXV on
Genzsch 1890 (no page numbers) and Hupp 1883, p. 7
are the same size (1.9 cm high). Reproduced at actual
size. Bildnachweis: Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.7 Genzsch 1902, p. 374. E.J. Genzsch type specimen catalogue page for Garnituren 423 and 425 of the
Renaissance-Initialen, as the ornaments originally
published as those sizes of the Deutsche RenaissanceInitialen, erste Serie had by this point been renamed.
Cropped to only reproduce Garnitur 425, but reproduced at actual size. Full page dimensions measure
16.1 × 25.9 cm.
Figure 6.4.8 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 34. Undated, but probably
from 1880. Drawn by Otto Hupp in Munich. This
appears to me to be both a drawing for the Deutsche
Renaissance-Initialen, zweite Serie, Garnituren XXIX–XXXII
– cf. Genzsch 1890 (no page numbers) – and Hupp
1883, p. 6. The Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen, zweite Serie
were designed by Otto Hupp for Emil Julius Genzsch,
and produced by E.J. Genzsch in Munich and Genzsch
& Heyse in Hamburg. This drawing’s layout is identical
to Hupp 1883, p. 6. It is not possible for me to tell if this
drawing is the basis for the production of both Deutsche
Renaissance-Initialen, zweite Serie, Garnituren XXIX–XXXII
and Hupp 1883, p. 6, or if the type was produced from
other drawings, and Hupp merely created this drawing
so that an etching could be made, with which Knorr &
Hirth would print the page. I believe that it is possible
that both the type and the book are two results of the
same project. The letters in Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen, zweite Serie, Garnituren XXXI on Genzsch 1890 (no
page numbers) and Hupp 1883, p. 6 are the same size
(2.35 cm high). Reproduced at actual size. Bildnachweis: Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.9 Genzsch 1902, p. 372. E.J. Genzsch type specimen catalogue page for Garnituren 428, 429 and 431 of
the Renaissance-Initialen, as the ornaments originally
published as those sizes of the Deutsche RenaissanceInitialen, erste Serie had by this point been renamed.
Cropped to only reproduce Garnitur 431, but repro-
511
512
Schriftkünstler
duced at actual size. Full page dimensions measure
16.1 × 25.9 cm.
Figure 6.4.10 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 35. Drawn by Otto Hupp in
Munich; signed and dated 1880. This appears to me to
be both a drawing for the Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen,
dritte Serie, Garnitur XXXIII – cf. Genzsch 1890 (no page
numbers) – and Hupp 1883, p. 8 The Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen, dritte Serie were designed by Otto Hupp
for Emil Julius Genzsch, and produced by E.J. Genzsch
in Munich and Genzsch & Heyse in Hamburg. This
drawing’s layout is identical to Hupp 1883, p. 8. It is not
possible for me to tell if this drawing is the basis for the
production of both the Deutsche RenaissanceInitialen, dritte Serie, Garnitur XXXIII and Hupp 1883, p. 8,
or if the type was produced from other drawings, and
Hupp merely created this drawing so that an etching could be made, with which Knorr & Hirth would
print the page. I believe that it is possible that both the
type and the book are two results of the same project.
The letters in Deutsche Renaissance-Initialen, dritte Serie,
Garnitur XXXIII on Genzsch 1890 (no page numbers)
and Hupp 1883, p. 8 are the same size (2 cm high).
Reproduced at actual size. Bildnachweis: Bayerisches
Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.11 Genzsch 1902, p. 376. E.J. Genzsch type specimen catalogue page for Garnituren 433 and 447 of the
Renaissance-Initialen, as the ornaments originally
published as those sizes of the Deutsche RenaissanceInitialen, dritte Serie had by this point been renamed.
Cropped to only reproduce Garnitur 433, but reproduced at actual size. Full page dimensions measure
16.1 × 25.9 cm.
Figure 6.4.12 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 36. Undated, but probably
from 1880. Drawn by Otto Hupp in Munich. This
appears to me to be both a drawing for the Renaissance-Initialen, Garnituren 449–452 – cf. Genzsch 1900,
p. 22–23 – and Hupp 1883, p. 10. The RenaissanceInitialen were designed by Otto Hupp for Emil Julius
Genzsch, and produced by E.J. Genzsch in Munich and
Genzsch & Heyse in Hamburg. This drawing’s layout
is identical to Hupp 1883, p. 10. It is not possible for
me to tell if this drawing is the basis for the production of both Renaissance-Initialen, Garnituren 449–452
and Hupp 1883, p. 10, or if the type was produced from
other drawings, and Hupp merely created this drawing
so that an etching could be made, with which Knorr &
Hirth would print the page. I believe that it is possible
that both the type and the book are two results of the
same project. The letters in Renaissance-Initialen, Garnitur 451 on Genzsch 1900, p. 23 and Hupp 1883, p. 10 are
the same size (2.7 cm high). Reproduced at actual size.
Bildnachweis: Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.13 Genzsch 1902, p. 379. E.J. Genzsch type specimen catalogue page for Garnituren 451 and 452 of the
Renaissance-Initialen. Cropped to only reproduce Garnitur 451, but reproduced at actual size. Full page dimensions measure 16.1 × 25.9 cm.
Figure 6.4.14 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 22. Undated, but probably
from 1880. Pencil drawing by Otto Hupp in Munich for
what would eventually become the RenaissanceInitialen, Garnituren 449–452 that are displayed in e.g.,
Genzsch 1900, p. 22–23. Cf. figures 6.4.12, 6.4.16, and
6.4.17, which are ink-on-paper drawings for the same
twenty-five initials. Reproduced at actual size. Bildnachweis: Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.15 Repeat of figure 6.4.13
Figure 6.4.16 Repeat of figure 6.4.12
Figure 6.4.17 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 37. Undated, but probably
from 1880. Drawn by Otto Hupp in Munich, and
signed. The V, W, X, Y, and Z in the top row appear to
me to be a drawing for the Renaissance-Initialen, Garnituren 449–452 – cf. Genzsch 1900, p. 22–23. This drawing is identical to the layout of Hupp 1883, p. 11. The
Renaissance-Initialen were designed by Otto Hupp for
Emil Julius Genzsch, and produced by E.J. Genzsch in
Munich and Genzsch & Heyse in Hamburg. It is not
possible for me to tell if this drawing is the basis for
the production of both Renaissance-Initialen, Garnituren 449–452 and Hupp 1883, p. 11, or if the type was
produced from other drawings, and Hupp merely
created this drawing so that an etching could be made,
with which Knorr & Hirth would print the page. I
believe that it is possible that both the type and the
book are two results of the same project. The letters in
Renaissance-Initialen, Garnitur 451 on Genzsch 1900, p.
23 and Hupp 1883, p. 11 are the same size (2.7 cm high).
Reproduced at actual size. Bildnachweis: Bayerisches
Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.18 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 31. Undated, but probably
from 1882. Drawn by Otto Hupp in Munich, and
signed. This appears to me to be both a drawing for
the Renaissance-Initialen, Garnituren XXXVI–XXXIX
– cf. Genzsch 1890 (no page numbers) – and Hupp
1883, p. 16. The Renaissance-Initialen were designed by
Otto Hupp for Emil Julius Genzsch, and produced
by E.J. Genzsch in Munich and Genzsch & Heyse in
Hamburg. This drawing’s layout is identical to Hupp
1883, p. 16. It is not possible for me to tell if this drawing is the basis for the production of both Renaissance-Initialen, Garnituren XXXVI–XXXIX and Hupp 1883,
p. 16, or if the type was produced from other drawings,
and Hupp merely created this drawing so that an etching could be made, with which Knorr & Hirth would
print the page. I believe that it is possible that both the
type and the book are two results of the same project.
The letters in Renaissance-Initialen, Garnitur XXXVIII on
Genzsch 1890 (no page numbers) and Hupp 1883, p. 16
are the same size (2.35 cm high). Reproduced at actual
size. Bildnachweis: Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.19 Genzsch 1902, p. 389. E.J. Genzsch type specimen catalogue page for Garnituren 438 and 439 of the
Renaissance-Initialen. Cropped to only reproduce Garnitur 438, but reproduced at actual size. Full page dimensions measure 16.1 × 25.9 cm.
Figure 6.4.20 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 26. Drawn by Otto Hupp in
Munich in 1882; signed and dated. The V, W, X, Y, and
Z in the top row appear to me to be a drawing for the
Renaissance-Initialen, Garnituren XXXVI–XXXIX – cf.
Genzsch 1890 (no page numbers). The two long horizontal ornaments underneath the lowercase letters
appear to be drawings for the Renaissance-Ornamente,
no. 200 and 201; cf. Ibid., product numbers 200–215.
The lowercase alphabet and numerals are not a typeface, nor was a typeface in that style ever produced
from this drawing. This drawing is identical to the
layout of Hupp 1883, p. 17. The Renaissance-Initialen and
Renaissance-Ornamente were designed by Otto Hupp for
Emil Julius Genzsch, and produced by E.J. Genzsch in
Munich and Genzsch & Heyse in Hamburg. It is not
possible for me to tell if this drawing is the basis for
List of illustrations
the production of both Renaissance-Initialen, Garnituren
XXXVI–XXXIX, two Renaissance-Ornamente, and Hupp
1883, p. 17, or if the type and ornaments were produced
from other drawings, and Hupp merely created this
drawing for an etching to be made, with which Knorr
& Hirth would print Hupp 1883, p. 17. I believe that it is
possible that both the type and the book are two results
of the same project. The letters in Renaissance-Initialen,
Garnitur XXXVIII on Genzsch 1890 (no page numbers)
and Hupp 1883, p. 17 are the same size (2.35 cm high).
Reproduced at actual size. Bildnachweis: Bayerisches
Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.21 Comparison of drawings for four initials
drawn by Otto Hupp from figure 6.4.18 with their final
appearance in print in an E.J. Genzsch type specimen
catalogue, reproduced from figure 6.4.19. Actual size.
Figure 6.4.22 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 30. Undated, but probably
from between 1880 and 1883. Drawn by Otto Hupp in
Munich. This appears to me to be both a drawing for
the Initialen, Garnituren XLII–XLIII – cf. Genzsch 1890
(no page numbers) – and Hupp 1883, p. 18. The Initialen
were designed by Otto Hupp for Emil Julius Genzsch,
and produced by E.J. Genzsch in Munich and Genzsch
& Heyse in Hamburg. This drawing’s layout is identical to Hupp 1883, p. 18. It is not possible for me to tell
if this drawing is the basis for the production of both
Initialen, Garnituren XLII–XLIII and Hupp 1883, p. 18,
or if the type was produced from other drawings, and
Hupp merely created this drawing so that an etching
could be made, with which Knorr & Hirth would print
the page. I believe that it is possible that both the type
and the book are two results of the same project. The
letters in Initialen, Garnituren XLIII on Genzsch 1890 (no
page numbers) and Hupp 1883, p. 18 are the same size
(2.3 cm high). Reproduced at actual size. Bildnachweis:
Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.23 Genzsch 1902, p. 387. E.J. Genzsch type specimen catalogue page for Garnituren 442 and 443 of the
Renaissance-Initialen. Cropped to only reproduce Garnitur 443, but reproduced at actual size. Full page dimensions measure 16.1 × 25.9 cm.
Figure 6.4.24 Display of the Münchner Renaissance-Fraktur
typeface from Genzsch & Heyse 1904, p. 20 (foreground) and Genzsch & Heyse 1933 (no page numbers)
in the background. This typeface was designed by
Heinz König in Munich, and produced by E.J. Genzsch
in Munich and Genzsch & Heyse in Hamburg.
Published 1885. Images cropped, but reproduced at
actual size. The full page of Genzsch & Heyse 1904
measures 17 × 25.3 cm, while Genzsch & Heyse 1933 is
21 × 29.7 cm.
Figure 6.4.25 AfB 1909, p. 1. This periodical is composed
in the Römische Antiqua typeface, from the Genzsch &
Heyse typefoundry of Hamburg. The Römische Antiqua
majuscules were cut by Albert Anklam in 1885; Heinz
König designed the minuscules in 1888. Image reproduced at actual size. Full page dimensions measure
23.2 × 29.5 cm.
Figure 6.4.26 Display of the Deutsche Druckschrift’s 9-pt size,
from Genzsch 1902, p. 65. This was designed by Heinz
König and published by E.J. Genzsch of Munich and
Genzsch & Heyse of Hamburg in 1888. Cropped, but
reproduced at actual size. Full page dimensions measure 16.1 × 25.9 cm.
Figure 6.4.27 Display of the Neudeutsch typeface in 9, 12
and 20-Didot-point sizes, from Genzsch 1902, p. 84.
Neudeutsch, also referred to as the Neu-Deutsche Schriften, was designed by Otto Hupp in Schleißheim, near
Munich, and produced by E.J. Genzsch in Munich and
Genzsch & Heyse in Hamburg. Published 1899/1900.
Image cropped, but reproduced at actual size. The full
page measures 16.1 × 25.9 cm.
Figure 6.4.28 Display of the Numismatisch typeface from
Genzsch 1902, p. 307. Numismatisch was designed in the
early or mid-1890s by Otto Hupp in Schleißheim, near
Munich, and produced by E.J. Genzsch in Munich and
Genzsch & Heyse in Hamburg. Published 1899/1900.
Image cropped, but reproduced at actual size. The full
page measures 16.1 × 25.9 cm.
Figure 6.4.29 Otto Hupp’s design for the Numismatisch
typeface, as reproduced in Lange 1940, p. 54. According
to Lange, this design was sent to Emil Julius Genzsch
on 9 June 1894. This image is larger than the actual
Numismatisch font of type that was produced by E.J.
Genzsch in Munich and Genzsch & Heyse in Hamburg,
and published in 1899/1900. Image cropped, but reproduced at actual size. The full page in measures 20.8 ×
29.6 cm.
Figure 6.4.30 Complete specimen of sorts making up
the Numismatisch typeface from Genzsch 1902, p. 307.
Image cropped, but reproduced at actual size. See fig.
6.4.28 for page’s full dimensions.
Figure 6.4.31 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 38. Undated. Drawn by Otto
Hupp. Reduced. Bildnachweis: Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.32 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 40. Undated, but probably
from 1921. Drawing for the title of Hupp 1921. This
is larger than the artwork that appears on either the
cover or the title page of the book. It must have been
photographed and reduced in order for it to have
been printed. In the artwork, the lettering measures
approximately 16 × 8 cm. On the cover of the book, it
measures approximately 12 × 6.4 cm, and on the title
page 8.4 × 4.5 cm. Reproduced at actual size. Bildnachweis: Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.33 Walthari 1900 (no page numbers). Walthari;
designed by Heinz König in Lüneburg and published
by the Rudhard’sche Gießerei in 1900 or just before.
Shown here in its 14-Didot-point size. Cropped, but
reproduced at actual size. Full page dimensions measure 23 × 28.1 cm. Image courtesy of Thom Janssen and
the Klingspor Museum, Offenbach am Main.
Figure 6.4.34 Klingspor 1923a, p. 44. König-Antiqua;
designed by Heinz König in Lüneburg and published
by the Rudhard’sche Gießerei in 1905. Cropped, but
reproduced at actual size. Image courtesy of Paul
Barnes.
Figure 6.4.35 Ibid., p. 50. Hupp-Unziale; designed by Otto
Hupp in Schleißheim and published by Gebr. Klingspor, circa 1910. Cropped, but reproduced at actual size.
Image courtesy of Paul Barnes.
Figure 6.4.36 Klingspor 1933, p. 47. Offenbacher Fraktur,
published by the Rudhard’sche Gießerei, circa 1902.
Cropped, but reproduced at actual size. Image courtesy
of Ethan Cohen.
Figure 6.4.37 Ibid., p. 41. Offenbacher Schwabacher, designed
and produced at the Leipzig punchcuttery of Kurt
513
514
Schriftkünstler
Wanschura and published by the Rudhard’sche Gießerei, circa 1900. Cropped, but reproduced at actual size.
Image courtesy of Ethan Cohen.
Figure 6.4.38 König-Schwabacher, from a 1914 type specimen brochure for the typeface, produced by the Emil
Gursch typefoundry of Berlin in 1914. The typeface
was drawn by Heinz König of Lüneburg and published
by Gursch in 1912. See De Jong/Purvis/Tholenaar
2010, vol. 2, p. 220. Image copyright Reinoud Tholenaar
and Saskia Ottenhoff-Tholenaar.
Figure 6.4.39 Rodenberg 1940, p. 44. Eckmannschrift;
commissioned by Karl Klingspor, designed by Otto
Eckmann in Berlin and published by the Rudhard’sche
Gießerei – where its punches were cut by Louis Hoell –
in 1900. Cropped, but reproduced at actual size.
Figure 6.4.40 Woche 1899. Front cover of Die Woche, vol. 1,
no. 30, from 7 October 1899. Both the illustrated seven
and the lettering for the title »Die Woche« were drawn
by Otto Eckmann. Image produced at half size; actual
dimensions 20 × 29 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin.
Figure 6.4.41 Page from Eckmann 1895, one of Otto
Eckmann’s sketchbooks at the Staatliche Museen zu
Berlin, Kunstbibliothek, inventory number 1902,1329.
Design for an alphabet. Reduced. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek; Fotografin:
Anna Russ. CC BY-NC-SA license.
Figure 6.4.42 Page from Ibid. Design for an alphabet.
Reduced. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
Kunstbibliothek; Fotografin: Anna Russ. CC BY-NC-SA
license.
Figure 6.4.43 Page from Ibid. Design for an alphabet.
Reduced. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
Kunstbibliothek; Fotografin: Anna Russ. CC BY-NC-SA
license.
Figure 6.4.44 Eckmann 1896, an unnumbered page in
PAN, vol. 1, no. 5 (February–March 1896). Lettering and
border drawn by Otto Eckmann. Reproduced at actual
size. Bildnachweis: UB Heidelberg.
Figure 6.4.45 Ibid., unnumbered page in PAN, vol. 1, no. 5
(February–March 1896). Lettering and border drawn
by Otto Eckmann. Reproduced at actual size. Bildnachweis: UB Heidelberg.
Figure 6.4.46 Klingspor Museum 2004134-1. Process drawing for the Eckmannschrift. Drawn by Otto Eckmann;
signed and dated 6/11/99 (likely from 11 June, not
6 November). Ink drawings on strips of paper glued
to a board. Reproduced at seventy per cent size. Actual
dimensions of the document are 41.5 × 29.5 cm. Its
majuscules are approximately 40-millimetres tall,
while the x-height of its minuscules is approximately
20-mm tall. Courtesy of the Klingspor Museum.
Figure 6.4.47 Comparison the drawn-letterforms from
fig. 6.4.46 with the Eckmannschrift letters as seen in the
final typeface manufactured and sold by the Rudhard/
Klingspor typefoundry. The typographic letters
are taken from a scan of an etching of the Eckmannschrift on Klingspor 1949, p. 19. In that etching, the
Eckmannschrift capital letters are reproduced at 14-mm
size. They may have been taken from the typeface’s
60-pt size. In the etching, the lowercase letters are
reproduced with a 10-mm x-height; I have reduced
the lowercase letters in this graphic so that they have
the same relationship to the capitals as the letters
in Eckmann’s process drawing. Between the process
drawing and the final typeface, the following characters are noticeably different: C I M O Q V W X a b d e f g
h k o p q r s long-s v w x y and z.
Figure 6.4.48 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 112. Undated. Drawn by Otto Hupp.
Photograph of a reduced-size design for an unreleased
cursive typeface. Photograph reproduced at actual size.
Bildnachweis: Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.49 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 14. Undated. Drawn by Otto
Hupp. Although this alphabet is entitled Schmale
Uncial, it may have been drawn during the development of Hupp’s unreleased Dreikönigsschrift design;
see figures 6.4.50 and 6.4.51. Reduced. Bildnachweis:
Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.50 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 16. Undated, but probably
from 1900 or 1901. Drawn by Otto Hupp in Schleißheim. Drawing for the unreleased Dreikönigsschrift
that Hupp had proposed to Emil Julius Genzsch as a
competitor to Rudhard/Klingspor’s Eckmannschrift.
Reduced. Bildnachweis: Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.51 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 18. Undated, but probably
from 1901. Drawn by Otto Hupp in Schleißheim.
Drawing for the unreleased Dreikönigsschrift Hupp had
proposed to Emil Julius Genzsch as a competitor to
Rudhard/Klingspor’s Eckmannschrift. Reduced. Bildnachweis: Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.52 Rodenberg 1940, p. 49. Behrensschrift;
designed by Peter Behrens and published by the
Rudhard’sche Gießerei, where its punches were cut by
Louis Hoell. Circa 1901. Cropped, but reproduced at
actual size.
Figure 6.4.53 Klingspor Museum 2004138-2, a process
drawing by Peter Behrens for the Behrensschrift. Reproduced at half size. Ink and pencil on four boards
of differing dimensions that have been attached
together. In all, these build an area 47.5 × 34.5 cm
in total. The majuscules are approximately 33-mm
tall; the x-height of the minuscules is approximately
25 mm. Courtesy of the Klingspor Museum.
Figure 6.4.54 Klingspor Museum 2004138-4, a process
drawing by Peter Behrens for the Behrensschrift. Reproduced at half size. Ink and pencil on four boards
of differing dimensions that have been attached
together. In all, these build an area 54 × 36 cm in total.
The majuscules are approximately 33-mm tall; the
x-height of the minuscules is approximately 25 mm.
Courtesy of the Klingspor Museum.
Figure 6.4.55 Klingspor Museum 2004138-1, a process
drawing by Peter Behrens for the Behrensschrift. Reproduced at half size. Ink and pencil on a board measuring 43 × 26.5 cm. The majuscules are approximately
33-mm tall; the x-height of the minuscules is approximately 25 mm. Courtesy of the Klingspor Museum.
Figure 6.4.56 Klingspor Museum 2004138-3, a process
drawing by Peter Behrens for the Behrensschrift. Reproduced at half size. Ink and pencil on four boards
of differing dimensions that have been attached
together. In all, these build an area 55.5 × 39 cm in
total. The majuscules are approximately 40-mm
tall; the x-height of the minuscules is approximately
30 mm. Courtesy of the Klingspor Museum.
Figure 6.4.57 Comparison the drawn-letterforms from
fig. 6.4.53 with the Behrensschrift letters as seen in the
final typeface manufactured and sold by the Rudhard/
Klingspor typefoundry. The typographic letters are
taken from a scan of an etching of the Behrensschrift
on Klingspor 1949, p. 19. In that etching, the Behrens-
List of illustrations
schrift capital letters are reproduced at 8-mm size. They
may have been taken from the typeface’s 36-pt size.
Between the process drawing and the final typeface,
the following characters are noticeably different: B C H
K L M N R U W a f g k l p q r long-s s t u w x and ß. The Z
is similar to a faint pencil-outline drawing that follows
the inked Z in the process drawing.
Figure 6.4.58 Hoefer/Reichardt (undated), PDF for
F. Schweinemanns, p. 4. Scan of a photocopy of a test
print made at D. Stempel GmbH at Frankfurt am Main
for characters in one size of F. Schweinemanns’s Fette
schmale Künstlerschrift Wodan, with corrections marked
either by Stempel’s type-making employees and/or
Schweinemanns himself. Circa 1902. This photocopy
is kept at the Klingspor Museum at Offenbach am
Main in a folder marked »F. Schweinemanns« in the
museum’s uncataloged materials from the D. Stempel
AG typefoundry. The original test print may also be in
the museum’s collection, but has not yet been located.
Reproduced at actual size.
Figure 6.4.59 Klingspor Museum, uncataloged D. Stempel
AG materials, F. Schweinemanns folder. Scan of a
photocopy of a test print made at D. Stempel GmbH at
Frankfurt am Main for characters from the 5 Cicero size
(60 Didot-points) of F. Schweinemanns’s Fette schmale
Künstlerschrift Wodan, with corrections marked either
by Stempel’s type-making employees and/or Schweinemanns himself. Circa 1902. The test print used to
make this photocopy may also be in the museum’s
collection, but has not yet been located. Reproduced at
actual size. Image courtesy of the Klingspor Museum.
Figure 6.4.60 Stempel 1925, p. 244. Fette schmale Künstlerschrift Wodan, designed by F. Schweinemanns,
produced by D. Stempel GmbH at Frankfurt am Main
and published circa 1902. All twelve foundry-type sizes
shown. Page cropped, but reproduced at actual size.
Image courtesy of LucasFonts GmbH.
Figure 6.4.61 Klingspor Museum, uncataloged D. Stempel
AG materials, F. Schweinemanns folder. Scan of a
photocopy of a drawing or test print for what appears
to be a draft or early version of a typeface in Stempel’s
Regina-Kursiv family. However, these letterforms are
too bold to depict the Magere Regina-Kursiv, and too
light to depict the Fette Regina-Kursiv. I have not found
any attributions by Stempel or by other researchers for this typeface’s designer. Nor have I found any
sources that indicate that F. Schweinemanns provided
the design. I have no explanation at hand for why this
photocopy was placed in a folder for items pertaining
to Schweinemanns. On the other hand, the design
does seem visually related to Schweinemanns’s earlier
Künstlerschrift types for Stempel, which in turn may
have been inspired by Rudhard/Klingspor’s Eckmannschrift. Reproduced at actual size. Image courtesy of the
Klingspor Museum.
Figure 6.4.62 Stempel 1925, p. 242. Magere Regina-Kursiv
and Fette Regina-Kusiv, produced by D. Stempel GmbH
at Frankfurt am Main and published circa 1905. All
nine foundry-type sizes for each typeface shown. Page
cropped, but reproduced at actual size. Image courtesy
of LucasFonts GmbH.
Figure 6.4.63 Klingspor Museum 2004135-2. Process
documents for the unfinished Eckmann-Kusiv design,
presumably produced by the Rudhard’sche Gießerei staff. The letters from the drawings reproduced
as figures 6.4.64–6.4.66 have been photographed,
collaged together and reduced. This is a photographic
etching of that collage on a sheet of paper measuring 23 × 29 cm, with many comments written on it in
pencil. Reproduced at three-quarters size. Courtesy of
the Klingspor Museum.
Figure 6.4.64 Klingspor Museum 2004135-3. Process drawing for the unfinished Eckmann-Kursiv typeface. Drawn
by Otto Eckmann. Undated, but probably from 1901
or 1902. Reproduced at half size; actual dimensions of
the drawing are 34 × 23.5 cm. Courtesy of the Klingspor
Museum.
Figure 6.4.65 Klingspor Museum 2004135-4. Process drawing for the unfinished Eckmann-Kursiv typeface. Drawn
by Otto Eckmann. Undated, but probably from 1901
or 1902. Reproduced at half size; actual dimensions of
the drawing are 34 × 23.5 cm. Courtesy of the Klingspor
Museum.
Figure 6.4.66 Klingspor Museum 2004135-1. Process drawing for the unfinished Eckmann-Kursiv typeface. Drawn
by Otto Eckmann. Undated, but probably from 1901
or 1902. Reproduced at half size; actual dimensions of
the drawing are 34 × 23.5 cm. Courtesy of the Klingspor
Museum.
Figure 6.4.67 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, back of sheet 6. Undated, but possibly from about 1904. Drawn by Otto Hupp in Schleißheim. These majuscules could have been studies for
Liturgisch. Reduced. Bildnachweis: Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.68 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 6. Undated, but possibly from
about 1904. Drawn by Otto Hupp in Schleißheim. This
appears to me to be both a drawing for Liturgisch (cf.
Liturgisch 1908). Liturgisch was designed by Otto Hupp
for Karl Klingspor, and produced by the Gebr. Klingspor typefoundry, where at least some of the punches
for the final types were cut by Louis Hoell. Reduced.
Bildnachweis: Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.69 Liturgisch 1908, p. 26. Two sizes of the Liturgisch typeface, as well as one of the two-colour Liturgisch
initials, and some of the Liturgisch ornament. Liturgisch
was drawn by Otto Hupp in Schleißheim; Liturgisch
1908 was published by Gebr. Klingspor. Cropped, but
reproduced at actual size. The page’s full dimensions
are 22 × 28 cm.
Figure 6.4.70 Klingspor 1949, p. 24. Karl Klingspor’s explanation of the size-specific changes to the Liturgisch
and Wilhelm-Klingspor-Schrift typefaces. Smaller point
sizes have simpler forms, while larger point sizes were
produced with more intricate details. Cropped, but
reproduced at actual size.
Figure 6.4.71 Rodenberg 1940, p. 49. Behrensschrift; designed
by Peter Behrens and published by the Rudhard’sche
Gießerei. Circa 1901. Cropped, but reproduced at
actual size.
Figure 6.4.72 Ibid., p. 49. Behrens-Kursiv; designed by Peter
Behrens and published by Gebr. Klingspor in 1907.
Cropped, but reproduced at actual size.
Figure 6.4.73 Ibid., p. 49. Behrens-Antiqua; designed by Peter
Behrens and published by Gebr. Klingspor in 1908.
Cropped, but reproduced at actual size.
Figure 6.4.74 Ibid., p. 49. Behrens-Mediäval; designed by
Peter Behrens in Berlin and published by Gebr. Klingspor in 1914. Cropped, but reproduced at actual size.
Figure 6.4.75 Klingspor Museum, Dauerleihgabe Behrens.
One of nine of the items inside the Behrens-Mediäval
folder. Reproduced at three-quarters size. On this
26 × 36 cm board, two photographs of different sizes
have been mounted. Each one reproduces a sketch
of upper and lowercase letters for Behrens-Mediäval
halbfett, presumably drawn by Peter Behrens himself.
This halbfett weight was published with the rest of the
515
516
Schriftkünstler
Behrens-Mediäval fonts by Gebr. Klingspor in 1914. The
letters in the top four lines from the lower photograph
seem to have been filled in with ink. Pencil check
marks have been placed below certain letters, perhaps
marking these as the best forms of those letters drawn
up to that point. Courtesy of the Klingspor Museum.
Figure 6.4.76 Klingspor Museum, Dauerleihgabe Behrens.
Another of the nine boards inside the BehrensMediäval folder. Reproduced at half size. Drawing for
Behrens-Mediäval halbfett, presumably drawn by Peter
Behrens. On this 26 × 36-cm sized board, a pencil
drawing on transparent paper has been mounted. The
majuscules are approximately 33-mm tall, while the
x-height of the minuscules is approximately 18-mm
tall. Courtesy of the Klingspor Museum.
Figure 6.4.77 Klingspor Museum, Dauerleihgabe Behrens.
Test print of Behrens-Mediäval halbfett in a text otherwise presented in Behrens-Mediäval. Printed at Gebr.
Klingspor, either from cast type or from an etching
made from a photograph of a drawing. Dated 21 July
1914. Reproduced at half size. Courtesy of the Klingspor Museum.
Figure 6.4.78 Klingspor Museum, Dauerleihgabe Behrens.
Undated, but likely from approximately 1914. Reproduced at half size. Process drawing for an unreleased
sans serif typeface, presumably drawn by Peter
Behrens himself. Pencil on tracing paper, approximately 36 × 19.5 cm. The drawing is attached to a
board approximately 37.5 × 21.5 cm in size. The capital
letters in the drawing are approximately 20-mm tall,
and the x-height of the lowercase letters is approximately 13 mm. Courtesy of the Klingspor Museum.
Figure 6.4.79 Klingspor Museum, Dauerleihgabe Behrens.
Undated, but likely from approximately 1914. Reproduced at half size. Process drawing for an unreleased sans serif typeface, presumably made by Peter
Behrens. Ink and pencil on paper, approximately 33 ×
18 cm. Courtesy of the Klingspor Museum.
Figure 6.4.80 Historisches Museum Rheinland-Pfalz,
Speyer, Sammlung Fotografie, inventory number
HMP_1999_260_0518. Photograph of the Speyer Fragment of the Codex argenteus; 12 × 16 cm. Bildnachweis:
Historisches Museum Rheinland-Pfalz.
Figure 6.4.81 Rodenberg 1940, p. 49. Behrens-Antiqua;
designed by Peter Behrens in Berlin and published by
Gebr. Klingspor in 1908. Cropped, but reproduced at
actual size.
Figure 6.4.82 Loubier 1921, Abb. 134. Hupp-Unziale
designed by Otto Hupp in Schleißheim and published
by Gebr. Klingspor, circa 1909–1910. Cropped, but
reproduced at actual size.
Figure 6.4.83 Sütterlin 1912 (no page numbers). Display of
the Unziale typeface in its Text size (20 Didot-points).
Designed by Ludwig Sütterlin and produced by the
Emil Gursch typefoundry at Berlin. Cropped, but
reproduced at actual size. Full page dimension 22 × 30
cm. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek.
Figure 6.4.84 Rodenberg 1940, p. 64. Hupp-Antiqua;
designed by Otto Hupp in Schleißheim and published
by Gebr. Klingspor, circa 1910. Cropped, but reproduced at actual size.
Figure 6.4.85 Loubier 1921, Abb. 134. Hupp-Unziale;
designed by Otto Hupp in Schleißheim and published
by Gebr. Klingspor, circa 1910. Cropped, but reproduced at actual size.
Figure 6.4.86 Rodenberg 1940, p. 64. Hupp-Fraktur;
designed by Otto Hupp in Schleißheim and published
by Gebr. Klingspor, circa 1911. Cropped, but reproduced at actual size.
Figure 6.4.87 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 12. Drawing by Otto Hupp in
Schleißheim dated 2 October 1906. This appears to
me to be both a drawing for the Hupp-Fraktur (cf. fig.
6.4.86). A note on the drawing in Hupp’s handwriting reads »gibt mir ganz ungefähr die Wirkung«.
Hupp designed Hupp-Fraktur for Karl Klingspor. It
was produced by the Gebr. Klingspor typefoundry.
Reduced. Bildnachweis: Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.4.88 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, NL Hupp
2.1.1.1., folder 105, sheet 23. Undated, but possibly
from 1915. Drawn by Otto Hupp in Schleißheim. This
appears to me to be a drawing of several initial letters
for the Huppschrift that Otto Hupp designed for Heinrich Görte at the Reichsdruckerei in Berlin. Reproduced
at actual size. Bildnachweis: Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv.
Figure 6.5.1 Konrad Friedrich Bauer 1937, image section
(no page numbers). Portrait of the punchcutter Louis
Hoell (1860–1935). Photograph by J.F. Gutermann,
unknown date. Between 1900 and 1935, Hoell worked
first at the Rudhard/Klingspor typefoundry, then
at Flinsch, and finally for the Bauer typefoundry.
Reduced; original dimensions 8.2 × 11.2 cm.
Figure 6.5.2 Bachmair 1936, p. 206. Portrait of »der Stempelschneider Louis Hoell bei der Arbeit«. Photograph
by J.F. Gutermann, unknown date. Reduced; original
dimensions 7.2 × 9.9 cm.
Figure 6.5.3 Bachmair 1936, p. 205. First page of Heinrich
F.S. Bachmair’s obituary for Louis Hoell in the Gutenberg Jahrbuch 1936. Cropped, but reproduced at actual
size. Full page dimensions 20.6 × 27.3 cm.
Figure 7.1.1 Paul Koch 1933, p. 31. Illustration by Paul Koch
and Fritz Kredel explaining the tools used in manual
punchcutting. Cropped, but reproduced at actual size.
Full page dimensions are 21.8 × 30.4 cm.
Figure 7.1.2 In this chart’s left-hand column, I wish to
imply that the punchcutter would realise a typeface’s
Design Concept through the media of engraved steel
punches, one for each character in the font. Either the
punchcutter himself, or individuals within a typefoundry, would then carry out the necessary subsequent steps for fonts of type to produced, by hand
During the time periods represented by the middletwo columns, Design Concept would have most often
been realised as drawings on paper. Typefoundry
employees would reference drawings produced by an
artist/designer or “type designer” to make the master
forms needed for those fonts to be produced. Since
the introduction of desktop publishing tools in the
mid 1980s, type designers could more easily execute
Design Concept themselves; see this chart’s right-hand
column. The final, shipped versions of digital fonts
are occasionally “mastered” by computer programmers I refer to below as “font engineers,” rather
than by the type designers themselves. How many
of the actors in the table’s second row contributed
to a finished font’s design is difficult to define, and
likely differed from time to time and one foundry to
another. Even with certain typefoundries operating
around 1900, one typeface’s design might have been
List of illustrations
determined entirely by a punchcutter, while another
was a collaboration between an artist/designer, a
punchcutter, and draftsperson instead.
Figure 7.1.3 Eckmann 1900 (no page numbers). 48 Didotpoint sized sample of the Eckmannschrift. Image courtesy of Hans Reichardt.
Figure 7.1.4 Avis 1967, p. 75. Actual size reproduction of the
Cranach-Presse italic.
Figure 7.1.5 Darden 2017. Screenshot of the colophon
page of the Halyard typeface’s microsite, produced by
Darden Studio in 2017
Figure 7.1.6 Haas 1958 (no page numbers). 36 Didot-point
sized sample of Neue Haas-Grotesk halbfett (bold). Image
courtesy of Hans Reichardt.
Figure 7.1.7 Haenel 1879, p. 277 (printed circa 1851). Canonsized sample of the Midolline typeface, approximately
36 Didot points. Bildnachweis: Staatliche Museen zu
Berlin, Kunstbibliothek; Fotograf: Dietmar Katz.
Figure 7.1.8 Genzsch & Heyse 1933 (no page numbers). 14
Didot-point sized sample of the Nordische Antiqua/
Genzsch-Antiqua typeface.
Figure 7.5.1 Hoffmann 1921, p. 16, image of the Typometer
produced by Hermann Berthold’s brass-rule manufacturing firm in Berlin, 1879.
Figure 7.5.2 Wilkes 1990, p. 9, with text translated into
English. The parts of a piece of metal printing type,
presented here especially to explain the term “heightto-paper” – Schrifthöhe in German. Reproduced at sixty
per cent. Copyright Reinhard Stolzenbach.
Figure 7.5.4 Two lines of text, each with one font change.
All letters in each line share a common baseline. In
the top line, the third, fourth, and fifth words are
presented in a different typeface than the first two
words. In the bottom line, the first three words are
smaller than the final three. In digital typesetting,
switching a font’s style or size does not cause the baseline to shift up or down.
Figure 7.5.5 Ahrens/Mugikura 2014, p. 155. Comparison
of the ascender and descender proportions of three
sizes of Monotype Plantin, produced for hot-metal
composition in 1913. The smallest sizes of Monotype’s hot-metal Plantin typeface featured diminutive descenders. These were designed that way to
allow many lines of small-sized text to be set closely.
German typefaces also had short descenders, but their
size wasn’t a result of a desired economy in typesetting
by their manufacturers. Image enlarged and reproduced at 175 per cent size; copyright Tim Ahrens and
Shoko Mugikura.
Figure 7.5.6 Ahrens/Mugikura 2014, p. 114. Comparison of
seven sizes of the Stempel Garamond typeface, produced
for hand-setting and Linotype hot-metal composition
from 1925 onwards. Design supervised by Rudolf Wolf
and produced by D. Stempel AG. Unlike with digital
fonts, the standard baseline on the metal typeface
produced in Germany after 1905 had a different vertical placement for each point size. In this illustration,
seven sizes of Stempel Garamond have been re-sized
so that their letters all have the same x-height. This
visualisation shows, for instance, that the descender
of the p in 60 pt is much longer than that of the q in the
48 pt. Image reproduced at actual size; copyright Tim
Ahrens and Shoko Mugikura.
Figure 7.5.7 Haddon 1914, p. 29. Display of thirty-three
different typefaces, set together in a fifteen-line para-
graph. These typefaces have not been produced with a
standardised baseline. As a result, the words set in each
typeface do not all vertically align with each other.
Bildnachweis: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin.
Figure 7.5.8 Haddon 1914, p. 29. Display of thirty-eight
different typefaces, set together in a fifteen-line paragraph. These typefaces all feature a common baseline.
Haddon 1914 is a catalogue from the London-based
“Caxton” typefoundry of John Haddon & Co. This
particular catalogue, part of the SBB-PK’s collection,
it is a Spanish-language edition. Nevertheless, the
pages explaining the Haddon’s standard baseline are in
German. Bildnachweis: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin.
Figure 7.5.9 Genzsch & Heyse 1904, p. 8. Explanation of the
Universal-Schriftlinie that Genzsch & Heyse introduced
in 1903, which became a nationwide norm (the Deutsche Normal-Schriftlinie) in 1905. The text on this page is
composed in Neudeutsch, and the polychromatic floral
border is composed from the Otto-Hupp-Ornamente,
both of which were drawn by Otto Hupp for Emil
Julius Genzsch’s typefoundries – Genzsch & Heyse in
Hamburg and E.J. Genzsch in Munich. Cropped, but
reproduced at actual size. Full page dimensions measure 17 × 25.3 cm.
Figure 7.5.10 Maier (undated), p. 84. Graphic isolated
from a page in Genzsch & Heyse 1910 explaining the
Normal-Schriftlinie, including the amount of space
available to descenders in each point size. Its measurements are given in Didot points. Cropped and
reduced; full page dimensions in Ibid. are 24.8 ×
34.3 cm. Image copyright Thomas Maier.
Figure 7.6.1 Comparison of the lowercase g in eight sizes of
the Genzsch-Antiqua typeface. Each g has been re-sized
in the image, so that all eight instances share the same
x-height. The dotted red line represents the baseline.
In each size, the length of the descender, in relation to
the baseline, changes visibly. In several sizes, the horizontal stroke at the top of the g’s lower counterform is
almost completely above the baseline. In other sizes,
this stroke is almost completely below the baseline.
The descender of the g looks smallest in the 9 pt. The
various sizes of the Genzsch-Antiqua g in this image are
reproduced from Nordische Antiqua 1908, Nordische
Antiqua 1909, and Haag-Drugulin 1953, p. 253
Figure 7.6.2 Comparison of the Genzsch-Antiqua g in 8 pt
and 9 pt, showing the actual relationship that their
sizes have with each another. The descender-lengths
for each letter has the same real size of 1.9 pt; Only the
part of the letter above the baseline increases in size
between 8 and 9 pt. Reproduced from Haag-Drugulin
1953, p. 253
Figure 7.11.1 Mahr 1928 (no page numbers). The punchcutter is leaning against a pin, the kind of wooden block
used when cutting steel punches, just like Rädisch in
figure 4.4.1.2 and the illustration of punchcutter in
figure 4.4.3.1; however, the punches being cut here are
not steel. The object in the punchcutter’s hands is a
soft-metal patrix, as are the six lettered-objects on his
workbench, on which the letters T E D O I L are visible.
Cropped, but reproduced at actual size. The page’s full
dimensions are 22.3 × 28.5 cm.
Figure 7.11.2 Mahr 1928 (no page numbers). Cropped, but
reproduced at actual size. The page’s full dimensions
are 22.3 × 28.5 cm.
Figure 7.11.3 Mahr 1928 (no page numbers). Cropped, but
reproduced at actual size. The page’s full dimensions
are 22.3 × 28.5 cm.
517
518
Schriftkünstler
Figure 7.12.1 Wilkes 1990, p. 51. Photograph of a pattern
being engraved at D. Stempel AG. Reproduced at
actual size.
Figure 7.12.2 Schmets 1987 (no page numbers). Photograph of an engraved matrix and the pattern used for
engraving it. Shot at D. Stempel AG during the 1980s,
before the firm closed. Cropped and reproduced at half
size. Full page dimensions 30.6 × 23.1 cm.
Figure 7.14.1 Slinn/Carter/Southall 2014, p. 213. Two
drawings of the letter A, made at the British Lanston
Monotype Corporation, Ltd. during the development
of their Poliphilus type in the early 1920s. Reproduced
from Ibid. at actual size. Dimensions of the whole
page measure 17 × 24 cm.
Figure 7.14.2 Slinn/Carter/Southall 2014, p. 355. Patricia
Saunders of Monotype’s Type Drawing Office tracing
an enlarged capital R from the Perpetua Italic typeface,
designed by Eric Gill. Unknown date. Reproduced
from Ibid. at actual size. Dimensions of the whole
page measure 17 × 24 cm.
Figure 7.14.3 Koch 1918/1936 (no page numbers), »Die
Photographie«. Print made from a silhouette cut by
Rudolf Koch. At Gebr. Klingspor, and presumably at
other typefoundries as well, the drawings for a new
typeface’s letters would be photographed and reduced
down to the actual size of type that was to be produced.
Cropped and reproduced at actual size from the book’s
second edition (1936), whose pages sizes are 24.8 ×
18.5 cm. The images appear at a larger size in the first
edition (1918); those page dimensions are 31.3 × 23.8
cm.
Figure 7.14.4 Koch 1918/1936 (no page numbers), »Der
Ätzer«. Print made from a silhouette cut by Rudolf
Koch. After letter drawings were photographically
reduced, as seen in figure 7.14.3, the Gebr. Klingspor
typefoundry staff would etch those reductions onto
the surface of each punch or soft-metal patrix that was
be cut. Cropped and reproduced at actual size from
the book’s second edition (1936), whose pages sizes are
24.8 × 18.5 cm. The images appear at a larger size in the
first edition (1918); those page dimensions are 31.3 ×
23.8 cm.
Figure 7.14.5 Five film stills from McDonald 2015, illustrating the process by which Paul Helmuth Rädisch transferred a print of a photographically-reduced drawing
onto the face of a steel blank. Filmed in 1957. After
rubbing a print of the letter down onto the blank,
Rädisch would etch an outline around the mark, delineating the part of the punch belonging to the letterform from the metal that will be cut away.
Figure 7.15.1 AfB 1913, from the October 1913 advertising
section (no page numbers). Full-page advertisement
for the typefaces designed by Lucian Bernhard that
were then available through the Flinsch typefoundry
of Frankfurt am Main. Cropped and reduced; original
page size 23 × 29.7 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatsbibliothek
zu Berlin.
Figure 7.15.2 AfB 1913, from the June 1913 advertising
section (no page numbers). Full page advertisement
for the typefaces designed by Richard GrimmSachsenberg that were then available through the
Julius Klinkhardt typefoundry of Leipzig. Cropped
and reduced; original page size 23 × 29.7 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin.
Figure 7.15.3 AfB 1913, from the April 1913 advertising
section (no page numbers). Half-page advertisement for Bravour, designed by Martin Jacoby-Boy
and published by the D. Stempel AG typefoundry of
Frankfurt am Main. Image reduced; actual print area
of advertisement 16.8 × 11.8 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin.
Figure 7.15.4 AfB 1914, from the January 1914 advertising section (no page numbers). Half page advertisement for Latein, designed by Johann Vincenz Cissarz
and published by the Ludwig & Mayer typefoundry of
Frankfurt am Main. Image reduced; actual print area
of advertisement 16.7 × 11.3 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin.
Figure 7.15.5 AfB 1913, from the June 1913 advertising
section (no page numbers). Full-page advertisement for Belwe-Gotisch, designed by Georg Belwe and
published by the J.G. Schelter & Giesecke typefoundry
of Leipzig. Cropped and reduced; original page size
23 × 29.7 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin.
Figure 7.15.6 AfB 1913, from the November–December
1913 advertising section (no page numbers). Full-page
advertisement for Fette Fraktur, also known as the Fette
Hupp-Fraktur, designed by Otto Hupp and published
by the Gebr. Klingspor typefoundry of Offenbach am
Main. Cropped and reduced; original page size 23 ×
29.7 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin.
Figure 7.15.7 AfB 1913, from the April 1913 advertising
section (no page numbers). Half-page advertisement
for Salzmann-Antiqua, designed by Max Salzmann and
published by J.G. Schelter & Giesecke. Image reduced;
actual print area of advertisement 16.7 × 11.5 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin.
Figure 7.15.8 AfB 1913, from the January 1913 advertising
section (no page numbers). Half-page advertisement
for Wieynk-Kursiv, designed by Heinrich Wieynk and
published by the Bauer typefoundry of Frankfurt am
Main. Image reduced; actual print area of advertisement 16.7 × 11.4 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatsbibliothek
zu Berlin.
Figure 8.1.1 Weiß 1913, p. 74. Page from the Weiß-Fraktur
type specimen book. Weiß-Fraktur was designed by
Emil Rudolf Weiß for the Bauer typefoundry of Frankfurt am Main. . Cropped, but reproduced at actual size.
Full page dimensions measures 28 × 23.4 cm.
Figure 8.2.1 Konrad Friedrich Bauer 1937, illustrations
section (no page numbers). The photograph measures
12.4 × 9.8 cm. Reproduced at actual size.
Figure 8.2.2 Werkbund 1915, illustrations section, p. 83.
The photograph measures 11.6 × 7.8 cm. Reproduced
at actual size.
Figure 8.2.3 AfB 1905, p. 270. In several 1905 issues of Archiv
für Buchgewerbe, the Rudhard/Klingspor typefoundry
ran full-page advertisements for their firm. These
featured one of their newest products: the VogelerZierat, designed by Heinrich Vogeler (1872–1942).
The bottom of the advertisements prominently
announced the grand prize won by the firm at the
Louisiana Purchase Exhibition in St. Louis, the 1904
World’s Fair. Cropped and reproduced at ¾ size; the
original page dimensions are 23 × 29 cm, and the
advertisement itself measures 16.6 × 23.3 cm. Bildnachweis: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin.
Figure 9.1.1 AfB 1909, illustration (no page number)
following p. 4. This chart shows work from some of
Hermann Delitsch’s students in Schrift courses at the
Leipzig Academy between the years 1903 and 1908.
Reproduced at actual size.
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[Kirchhoff (undated)] Anon.: “Adolf Kirchhoff.” In:
Anon. (ed.): Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. Website.
Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin (undated). <https://
www.hu-berlin.de/de/ueberblick/geschichte/
rektoren/kirchhoff>, last accessed on 19 December
2017
[Klasse für Type-Design (undated)] Smeijers, Fred /
Müller, Stephan: Klasse für Type-Design. Website.
Hochschule für Grafik und Buchkunst Leipzig
(undated). <http://www.hgb-leipzig.de/index.
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accessed on 15 February 2017
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(ed.): Alles new! 100 Jahre Neue Typografie und Neue Grafik
in Frankfurt am Main. av edition, Stuttgart 2016
[Klevgaard 2017] Klevgaard, Trond: “Writing About New
Typography from The Margins – Problems and
Approaches.” In: Lees-Maffei, Grace (ed.): Writing
Visual Culture. New Approaches to Design History.
Vol. 8. TVAD Research Group at the University
of Hertfordshire, 2017. Online at: <http://www.
herts.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0011/187571/5_
KLEVGAARD_NEW_TYPE_MARGINS_WVC8_2017.
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Gewerbe (ed.): Julius Klinger. Monographien deutscher
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Dortmund 1912
[Klingspor (undated)] Gebr. Klingspor: Lehrtafel [Zur
Entstehung eines Druckbuchstaben]. Six prints featuring
woodcut illustrations from Willi Harweth. Gebr.
Klingspor, Offenbach am Main (undated). The
Lehrtafel are numbered one through six, and called
»Der Stempelschneider«, »Der Matrizenbohrer«,
»Herstellung einer Nickelmatter«, »Der
Schriftgießer«, and »Der Justierer«. The KlingsporMusuem in Offenbach am Main has the first, third,
fourth, fifth, and sixth of the Lehrtafel; Schriftgießerei
Gerstenberg at the Haus für Industriekultur in Darmstadt
has all six.
[Klingspor 1923a] Gebr. Klingspor: Werbeschrift Neuland –
Geschnitten von Rudolf Koch. Gebr. Klingspor, Offenbach
am Main 1923
[Klingspor 1923b] Gebr. Klingspor: Gebr. Klingspor,
Offenbach a.M. Schriftgießerei, Ätzanstalt, Galvanoplastik,
Holzschriften- und Holzgeräte-Fabrik. Antiquaschriften.
Gebr. Klingspor, Offenbach am Main. Undated,
circa 1923
[Klingspor 1933] Gebr. Klingspor: Deutsche Schriften nach
Zeichnungen deutscher Künstler, geschnitten und herausgeben
von Gebr. Klingspor Schriftgießerei, Offenbach a.M. Gebr.
Klingspor, Offenbach am Main. Undated, circa 1933
[Klingspor 1937] Gebr. Klingspor: Jessen-Schrift von
Gebr. Klingspor. Offenbach am Main. Gebr. Klingspor,
Offenbach am Main 1937
[Klingspor Museum 2004134-1] Eckmann, Otto: Process
drawing for the Eckmannschrift, dated 6 November
1899. In: Eckmann, Otto: Schmuck, Eckmann-Schrift,
Eckmann-Kursiv, Eckmann-Schrift Initialen. Cassette
with shelf number Mp 9 F2 Eck. Klingspor Museum,
Offenbach am Main.
[Klingspor Museum 2004134-2] Eckmann, Otto: Undated
process drawing for the Eckmannschrift. In: Eckmann,
Otto: Schmuck, Eckmann-Schrift, Eckmann-Kursiv,
Eckmann-Schrift Initialen. Cassette with shelf number
Mp 9 F2 Eck. Klingspor Museum, Offenbach am Main.
[Klingspor Museum 2004134-3] Eckmann, Otto: Undated
process drawing for the Eckmannschrift. In: Eckmann,
Otto: Schmuck, Eckmann-Schrift, Eckmann-Kursiv,
Eckmann-Schrift Initialen. Cassette with shelf number
Mp 9 F2 Eck. Klingspor Museum, Offenbach am Main.
[Klingspor Museum 2004134-4] Eckmann, Otto: Undated
process drawing for the Eckmannschrift. In: Eckmann,
Otto: Schmuck, Eckmann-Schrift, Eckmann-Kursiv,
Eckmann-Schrift Initialen. Cassette with shelf number
Mp 9 F2 Eck. Klingspor Museum, Offenbach am Main.
[Klingspor Museum 2004135] Eckmann, Otto: Folder for
the unrealised Eckmann-Kursiv typeface. In: Eckmann,
Otto: Schmuck, Eckmann-Schrift, Eckmann-Kursiv,
Eckmann-Schrift Initialen. Cassette with shelf number
Mp 9 F2 Eck. Klingspor Museum, Offenbach am Main.
[Klingspor Museum 2004136] Eckmann, Otto: Folder for
the Eckmann-Initialen. In: Eckmann, Otto: Schmuck,
Eckmann-Schrift, Eckmann-Kursiv, Eckmann-Schrift
Initialen. Cassette with shelf number Mp 9 F2 Eck.
Klingspor Museum, Offenbach am Main.
[Klingspor Museum 2004137] Eckmann, Otto: Folder for
the Eckmann-Ornamente. In: Eckmann, Otto: Schmuck,
Eckmann-Schrift, Eckmann-Kursiv, Eckmann-Schrift
Initialen. Cassette with shelf number Mp 9 F2 Eck.
Klingspor Museum, Offenbach am Main.
[Klingspor Museum 2004138-1] Behrens, Peter: Process
drawing for the Behrensschrift with the pencil-written
“#2.” Klingspor Museum, Offenbach am Main.
[Klingspor Museum 2004138-2] Behrens, Peter: Process
drawing for the Behrensschrift with the pencil-written
“#4.” Klingspor Museum, Offenbach am Main.
[Klingspor Museum 2004138-3] Behrens, Peter: Process
drawing for the Behrensschrift with the pencil-written
“#3.” Klingspor Museum, Offenbach am Main.
[Klingspor Museum 2004138-4] Behrens, Peter: Process
drawing for the Behrensschrift with the pencil-written
“#1.” Klingspor Museum, Offenbach am Main.
[Klingspor Museum, Dauerleihgabe Behrens]
Schriftentwürfe von Peter Behrens. »Dauerleihgabe«
from the family of Karl-Hermann Klingspor (no
inventory numbers).
[Klingspor Museum, Nachlass Ehmcke, Schriftkunst
Cassette] Ehmcke, Fritz Helmuth and others:
[Miscellaneous items]. Cassette with no inventory
number. Klingspor Museum, Offenbach am Main.
537
538
Schriftkünstler
[Klingspor Museum, Nachlass Larisch] Items donated by
Hertha Larisch-Ramsauer in 1968
[Klingspor Museum Slg. KHK] Sammlung Karl-Hermann
Klingspor, donated by Karl-Hermann Klingspor.
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Gesamt-Probe der Schriftgiesserei Julius Klinkhardt in Leipzig
und Wien. Julius Klinkhardt, Leipzig / Vienna 1883
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Schriftgießer. Mitteilungen und Neuheiten für das graphische
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[Koch 1908] Koch, Rudolf: Klassische Schriften nach
Zeichnungen von Gutenberg, Dürer, Morris, König, Hupp,
Eckmann, Behrens u.a. Kühtmann, Dresden 1908
[Koch 1918] Koch, Rudolf: Die Schriftgießerei im Schattenbild –
Wie bei Gebr. Klingspor in Offenbach a. M. eine Druckschrift
entsteht. Gebr. Klingspor, Offenbach am Main 1918
[Koch 1918/1936] Koch, Rudolf: Die Schriftgießerei im
Schattenbild – Wie bei Gebr. Klingspor in Offenbach a. M. eine
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Ruppel, Aloys (ed.): Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 1931. Verlag der
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[Korn/Schmeisser 1984] Korn, Hans Enno / Schmeisser,
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[Kracke 2007] Kracke, Bernd (ed.): Gestalte/Create – Design
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[Krebs 1874] Schriftgießerei Benjamin Krebs Nachfolger:
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