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TYPOGRAPHIC TECHNICAL SERIES FOR APPRENTICES — PART VIII, NO. 53
A BRIEF HISTORY
of '
PRINTING IN ENGLAND
A SHORT HISTORY OF PRINTING
IN ENGLAND FROM CAXTON
TO THE PRESENT TIME
BY
FREDERICK W. HAMILTON, LL.D.
EDUCATIONAL DIRECTOR
UNITED TYPOTHETyE OF AMERICA
PUBLISHED BY THE COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION
UNITED TYPOTHETAE OF AMERICA
1918
Copyright, 1918
United Typothetae of America
Chicago. III.
Composition and electrotypes contributed by
J P.. LirriNcoTT Company
Philadelphia
PREFACE
THE treatment of the material used in this volume
will be found somewhat different from that
adopted in the two preceding. The narrower field
of inquiry makes possible a closer following of the
ordinary chronological method *of arrangement rather
than the topical method of the other volumes. An
attempt is made to trace the history of printing in Eng-
land through the centuries from Caxton to Morris and
to include some insight into legal regulations, trade
conditions, and industrial development generally. As
before, it is to be remembered that this is a primer, a
book of introductions. No attempt, therefore, is made
to go far into details or to discuss disputed points or to
include any considerable amount of technical detail. It
is hoped that the reader will get a comprehensive view
of the subject, will feel its human interest, and will
catch some glimpse of its larger relation to the general
history of the time.
The writer has consulted a considerable range of
authorities, a few of the more accessible of which are
cited in the short list of books for supplementary read-
ing. Mention should be made of the very excellent
study of John Baskerville, privately printed by Col.
Josiah H. Benton, of Boston. This book may perhaps
be found in the larger public libraries. Here, as always,
it is to be regretted that although much has been writ-
ten on the subject of printing and of the history of
printing a good general history of the subject is still
greatly to be desired.
3
JO
CONTENTS
Chapter I page
The English Pioneers ... 7
Chapter II
The Regulation of the Industry and the Company of
Stationers 18
Chapter III
John Day and the Dark Ages of English Printing ... 34
Chapter IV
The Eighteenth Century: the Period of Transition . . 49
Chapter V
The Whittinghams and the Modern Book ... . . 68
Supplementary Reading 76
Review Questions „ 77
PRINTING IN ENGLAND
CHAPTER I
The English Pioneers
"GANGLAND was slow to take up printing and slow
-■— > and backward in the development of it. It was
25 years after the invention of printing before any
printing was done in England. It was many years
after that before the work of the English printers could
compare with that done on the continent. The reason
for this is to be found in the conditions of the country
itself. Although the two great universities had long
been in existence, Oxford dating back to 1 167 and Cam-
bridge to 1209, England as a whole was a backward
country. In culture and the refinements of civilization,
as well as in many more practical things, England was
not so far advanced as the rest of Europe ncr was it to
be so for many years to come.
England at this time was an agricultural and grazing
country. A colony of Flemings had been brought over
to start the cloth industry. There was still, neverthe-
less, a large export of wool to Flanders, which was there
woven and sent back as cloth. The English nobles
lived largely on their estates, looking after their ten-
ants, hunting for diversion, and doing a little fighting
occasionally when life became otherwise unbearably
uninteresting. They were not an educated class and
the peasantry were profoundly ignorant. The cities
which, as always, depended upon manufacture and com-
merce were just beginning to grow, with the exception
7
PRINTING IN ENGLAND
of some of the seaport towns which were already pros-
perous and wealthy.
Not only was this general condition true, but there
were special conditions which rendered the middle of
the fifteenth century unfavorable to culture and to the
introduction of a new invention auxiliary to culture.
In 1450 England was shaken and horrified by the bloody
insurrection of peasants, with its attendant outrages,
known as Jack Cade's Revolt. Scarcely had order been
restored when a disputed succession to the crown
plunged the country into the bloody civil war between
the adherents of the Houses of York and Lancaster,
known as the Wars of the Roses. This period of civil
strife lasted for thirty years and affected the general
welfare of England very seriously. It was especially
marked by mortality among the noblest families in the
realm, many of which were actually exterminated.
Some time within this bloody half-century the art of
printing was introduced into England. There is in
existence a book printed in Oxford and dated on the
title page 1468. Upon the existence of this book, and
upon a somewhat doubtful legend, has been built a
claim that English printing originated in Oxford. This
claim, however, has practically ceased to be main-
tained. The legend appears to be baseless, and it has
been generally concluded that the date is a misprint
and that it should be 1478, an X having been dropped
in writing the Roman date, a not uncommon error in
publications of this period. Historians have now gener-
ally agreed that the introduction of printing in England
is due to William Caxton, one of the most interesting
figures in the whole annals of printing.
Caxton was born in the Weald, or wooded land, of
THE ENGLISH PIONEERS
Kent, a place of simple people and uncouth speech,
about 142 1. As a boy he was apprenticed to Robert
Large, a prominent mercer or silk merchant of London.
On the death of Large, not many years later, Caxton
went to Bruges, in Belgium, then part of the territory
of the Dukes of Burgundy, and became connected with
the so-called English "Nation" or "House." This was
a chartered company of merchant adventurers similar
to the companies which later settled certain portions of
North America and to the famous East India Company.
Caxton appears to have been successful in business and
became Governor of the English "Nation" in 1462.
Bruges was at this time a city of wealth and culture,
the Flemings being far in advance of the English in
this respect. Life in these surroundings caused Caxton
to become interested in reading and good literature,
and in 1467 he undertook a translation into English
of a collection of stories of Troy, or as he called it
"Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye." Shortly after
this, Margaret, sister of Edward IV of England, mar-
ried the Duke of Burgundy and came to Bruges to live.
Caxton immediately came into friendly relations with
the Duchess, who shortly after gave him a position in
her personal service. It is not quite clear what this
position was. It has been supposed by some that the
purpose of the Duchess was to enable Caxton to pursue
his literary labors with the special end of making con-
tinental literature known to the English through trans-
lation. A more probable supposition, however, is that
he was the confidential business adviser to the Duchess.
It is a well-known fact that royal personages at this
period engaged freely in trade and that sometimes they
engaged in extensive commercial transactions with other
io PRINTING IN ENGLAND
royal personages although trade between their two coun-
tries might be strictly prohibited by law, as was the
case with England and Flanders during part of the reign
of Edward IV. At an early period of their friendship
Caxton showed the Duchess Margaret his unfinished
translation of the Troy stories. Fortunately for the
wcrld, the Duchess was a friendly but candid critic.
She saw both the strength and the weakness of Cax-
ton's work, and while she took him to task roundly
for his rough and poor English she encouraged and
commanded him to complete his translation and at the
same time improve himself in English. Caxton there-
upon renewed his work and completed the translation
of the Troy stories at Cologne in 147 1.
Caxton was immediately besieged with demands for
copies of his translations, which, of course, he was un-
able to furnish, although he appears to have worked at
it until time, strength, and eyesight failed. He there-
upon determined to learn the new art of printing so that
he might by that means multiply copies of this and other
works which he might execute. Unquestionably he saw
printing presses in operation in Cologne. It has been
claimed that he learned to print there, and this claim
receives some support from an ambiguous statement
attributed to him many years later by Wynkyn de
Worde. It is possible that Caxton may have worked
a little in one of the Cologne printing offices, but it seems
clear on internal evidence that Air. Blades is right in his
conclusion that Caxton did not learn the art there. The
early printed work of Caxton is by no means equal to that
of the Cologne printers, and represents an earlier stage
of development than that which had been reached by
Cologne at this period. Many of the compositor's
THE ENGLISH PIONEERS n
methods which were familiar to the Cologne printers of
1470 did not appear in Caxton's books until years later.
On Caxton's return from- Cologne he associated him-
self with one Colard Mansion, who for a few years un-
successfully attempted to carry en a printing business
at Bruges. The probability is that Caxton learned the
art during this association with Mansion. The asso-
ciation was terminated in 1476 by the bankruptcy of
Mansion. During this period, however, Caxton and
Mansion published five books, two in English and three
in French. The first to be published, and the first book
to be printed in English anywhere, was the translation
of the Troy stories. One of the other books was the first
book that was ever printed in French. It is interesting
to note that the first book to be printed in French was
done by an Englishman in Flanders.
In 1476- Caxton withdrew entirely from his business
connections in Bruges, went to England, taking with
him his presses, type, and workmen, and opened a
printing office within the precincts of Westminster
Abbey. It has often been stated that Caxton's print-
ing office was in the abbey building itself, but this is
undoubtedly an error. English abbeys and cathedrals
are commonly surrounded by a considerable extent of
ground called a "close." Within this "close" are
dwelling houses and not infrequently shops. The en-
tire property belongs to and is controlled by the abbey
or cathedral authorities. Caxton's shop appears to
have been in a building known as the "Red Pale"
within the abbey "close." Caxton continued to print
here until his death in 1491.
Within this period he printed ninety-three books
and perhaps eight or ten more whose attribution is
12 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
uncertain. Of these ninety-three, fifteen ran to two
editions and three of the fifteen ran to three edi-
tions. Caxton was a good business man and was
probably possessed of considerable capital when he
began. He not only made the business pay, but took
advantage of his somewhat independent position finan-
cially to lead and create the popular taste instead of
following it. Caxton was thoroughly English. He
knew his people and knew what they would take and
he printed accordingly. He did a good business in
service books, school books, and statutes or public
printing. These were what we should call to-day "pot
boilers" and kept his office going on a sound business
basis. Beyond that he printed a large number of works of
good literature, but he took no unnecessary chances even
in this field. He always endeavored either to get the finan-
cial backing of some wealthy noble or to assure himself of
a reasonable sale before he undertook a new publication.
In the field of literature his work was different from
that of almost any other printer of his time. He printed
no Bibles. Latin Bibles could easily be imported from
the continent, probably cheaper than he could print
them. English Bibles were not permitted to be printed
unless the English translation had been made before
the appearance of Wickliffe's Bible in 1380. There were
translations into English before Wickliffe, as well as a
considerable number of later date, but with the loose
and uncertain dating of manuscripts the printing of an
English Bible was altogether a more risky proposition
than Caxton cared to undertake. He printed no works
on theology. There was no demand for theology in
English, and theology in Latin and Greek could be
cheaply imported. Moreover, although Caxton was a
THE ENGLISH PIONEERS 13
profoundly religious man and- a perfectly loyal son of
the Church, he appears to have had no personal interest
in theology whatever. For similar reasons he printed no
edition of the Fathers and only two volumes of the
classics. He left all of these matters to the importers.
His field of publication was the putting before the
public of good, recent literature in the English lan-
guage. He did this partly through printing the works
of Chaucer, Langland, and other good English authors
and partly through translation of works in French and
Latin. He was very much interested in English history
and works relating to England, publishing several of
the old chronicles and other matters of this sort. He
believed that there was great help to be found in read-
ing stories of good women and brave men and he at-
tempted to lay a store of such stories before his readers.
His own translations cover over five thousand closely
printed folio pages, but he had many other translations
made for him. He was a good linguist in French, Flem-
ish, and Latin and a tireless worker at his literary and
business labors. He meant that everything which he
printed should be helpful to his readers and should
make for the betterment of the life of his time, although
he would have been the first to disclaim the title of
reformer or missionary.
Two Rotable instances of his literary honesty appear.
After the publication of his first edition cf Chaucer, an
acquaintance came to him and called his attention to
the fact that he had followed a very imperfect manu-
script. His friend said that his father had a very fine
manuscript and Caxton at once arranged for a loan of
it. Finding that through following an imperfect text
he had omitted many things from Chaucer's text and
14 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
inserted many others which did not belong there, he
at once printed a correct edition, probably at very
serious loss to himself. The unsold copies of the first
edition became useless and the cost of a second edition
was equal to the first, as the work had to be entirely
done over again from the beginning. The other in-
stance must be judged by the standards of his time
rather than ours, but showed his desire to present only
correct texts to his readers. Caxton published in 1483
a translation of John Mink's "Liber Festivalis." An
independent translation was published at Oxford in
1487. A few years later Caxton published a second
edition, but followed the Oxford text rather than his
own earlier translation.
Personally Caxton is a most interesting figure, a
sturdy, honest, high-minded, common-sensible Eng-
lish gentleman, a man who loved and served God,
honored the King, and helped his neighbor to the best
of his ability, and who did his country an inestimable
service not only by the introduction of a new art but
by the opening of a new field of literature.
Caxton's printing was not remarkable for typograph-
ical excellence. He used soft. type and thin ink, very
much to the detriment of the beauty of his impressions.
The first' type which he used was a font of black let-
ter made in imitation of the handwriting of the Bur-
gundian clerks of the time. This font had belonged
to Mansion and was probably obtained by Caxton
from Mansion's creditors. Later he cut for himself
several other fonts, some authorities say five, some
seven. All of his fonts were black-letter Gothic and
all more or less related to the Burgundian script
with which he began. He used / instead of commas
THE ENGLISH PIONEERS 15
and periods. He had a habit of correcting typograph-
ical errors by hand after the books were finished. He
went over the first copy, making the corrections him-
self, and afterward the other copies were made to con-
form by clerks or apprentices.
While Caxton was at work a few other printers made
their appearance in England. Some time before 1478
Theodoric Rood, of Cologne, opened a printing office at
Oxford. The office was open for about eight years, but
seems to have done only a small business. We have fifteen
books which are known to have come from this press.
They were printed from three different fonts of type.
Two of them were good letters imported from Cologne.
About 1487 Rood disappeared and is supposed to have
gone back to Cologne. In 1479 a press was started at
the abbey of St. Albans. This press published eight
books that we know of, all for church use or the direct
use of the abbey. These books were printed from four
fonts of type, two of which are identical with two of Cax-
ton's. It is possible that this was a side enterprise of
Caxton's, although it is equally possible that the abbey
may have bought the type of Caxton or obtained the
use of his matrices or even hired some type of him.
The conclusions based on apparent identity of type-
faces are always doubtful, as this identity may be ac-
counted for in a considerable number of ways.
In 14S0 a printer appeared in London named John
Lettou. Lettou was evidently not an Englishman, but
his origin is unknown. The word Lettou is an old form
of Lithuania. Attempts have been made to identify
him with certain continental printers, but as these
attempts rest on similarities of type-face they are un-
certain. Soon after his appearance Lettou was asso-
1 6 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
ciated with William Machlinia or de Machlinia (William
of Mechlin or Malines in Belgium). Machlinia made a
specialty of law books. The business was later taken
over by Richard Pynson. None of these made any
particular contribution to typography. Their interest
lies chiefly in the fact that they were the beginners of
English printing.
There was no successor to carry on Caxton's tradi-
tions of scholarship, of literary taste, or even of crafts-
manship. Caxton, as we have said, was a successful
business man before he became a printer and was
doubtless financially independent during the whole of his
later life. His successors were men who were dependent
entirely upon their craft for their livelihood. Caxton's
immediate successors were two, Wynkyn de Worde, a
native of Lorraine, and Richard Pynson, a native of
Normandy. Both of these men appear to have learned
their trade with Caxton. Wynkyn de Worde carried
on the business after Caxton's death. De Worde
appears to have been a man of very little education.
Pynson was a graduate of the University of Paris, but
he never became at home in the English language.
De Worde carried on the Caxton business from 1491
to 1534, at first in Caxton's own shop, afterward in
London (Westminster and London have now grown
together, but at that time they were a considerable dis-
tance apart). During this time De Worde published over
six hundred books. His books were cheap and poor in
every way. De Worde was slow to start publishing.
He published almost nothing for a couple of years after
Caxton's death. He appears to have lacked initiative
and probably lacked capita!. He seems to have dis-
covered that there was money in cheap publications of
THE ENGLISH PIONEERS 17
a sort that catered to the popular taste, and he dili-
gently worked that line of business. He appears to
have made money, but cannot be credited with any
higher type of success. He hired translators and edi-
tors and he evidently hired cheap ones, as the editorial
work on his books is not good.
Pynson printed from 1492 to 1529. He did a much
higher class of work than De Worde, although he is by
no means eminent for his typography. He made less
money than De Worde, but appears to have kept out
of financial difficulties. His publications were mostly
law books. He took over the business of Lettou and
Machlinia, but had specialized in law books on becom-
ing printer to the king in 15 10. Pynson introduced
the use of roman type in 1509, although it was some
time before it displaced the gothic in common use.
In 1523 to 1525 he printed Lord Berners's translation
of the "Chronicle" of Froissart. In literature this is
a notable event. Froissart was really the first modern
historian. The book marks the transition from the
dry chronicles of the Middle Ages to history proper.
Robert Copeland, who began to print about 15 14, is
notable as being probably the first English printer, that
is to say, the first native-born Englishman to go into
the business.
One of the few good printers of this early period was
Thomas Berthelet or Bartlett. Berthelet was a Welsh-
man and was an excellent bookbinder as well as a good
printer. He was the first man in England tousegold tool-
ing on his binding. Berthelet enjoyed the position of
royal printer. Richard Grafton and Edward Whitchurch
were the first printers of English Bibles, which began
to appear about the middle of the sixteenth century.
CHAPTER II
The Regulation of the Industry and the
Company of Stationers
THE middle of the sixteenth century marks a dis-
tinct change in English printing. Up to this time
the industry in England had been neither organ-
ized, regulated, nor censored. It had been conducted
under conditions of freedom almost identical with those
which exist to-day, a state of things entirely anomalous
in that period. The quality of English printing in this
period was generally very poor. In spite, however, of
the poor workmanship, there lingers something of the
old craftsman spirit. Although the books show glar-
ing imperfections, they also show a certain dignity and
harmony which is reminiscent of the spirit of the old
craftsmen. In detail, however, the work was poor both
in composition and presswork. It showed an almost
entire lack of originality. Types, wood-cuts, initials,
ornaments, and even the printer's devices were not
only bought from the continent of Europe but bought
second-hand and used long after signs of wear had
become painfully evident. Wood-cuts especially were
not only over-used but misused. They were not infre-
quently inserted with absolute disregard of the text.
The printers not only stuck in pictures which had no
bearing whatever upon the subject matter, but they
used the same picture more than once in the same book.
The reason for this is to be found in the fact that
the proprietors of the large shops were intent on profit
18
REGULATION OF THE INDUSTRY 19
and the proprietors of the small shops had no capital.
The experience of Wynkyn de Worde had shown that
the way to make money was by printing popular books
which could be sold cheap, and his successors learned
the lesson only too rapidly. There was no effective
demand for good printing. The smaller printers had
to buy such materials as they could afford and com-
pete as best they could.
From about 1525, which will be recalled as the date
of the publication of Froissart's "Chronicle," there
was a change in the demand for books. The revival
of learning wras beginning to make itself felt in Eng-
land. The influence of Erasmus on the intellectual
life of the age was very great. This influence was
especially felt in England because Erasmus had him-
self spent considerable time there and was a friend of
John Colet, Dean of St. Paul's, who was not only an
influential clergyman but a very great scholar. Eng-
land was also beginning to feel the stirrings of philo-
sophical and religious discussion. There was a great
demand for educational books to meet the needs of
the scholars and there began to be a great output of
controversial literature. Wynkyn de Worde sometimes
printed three or four editions of the same Latin gram-
mar in one year, so great was the demand for educa-
tional books.
Up to the middle of the century, however, very
little original work was printed in England, or at any
rate is now extant. The popular demand was for re-
prints of old books and for translations of French poems
and romances. The classics and other works of more
serious literature were commonly imported. There was
also a considerable amount of printing for the English
20 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
trade done on the continent. Not content with fur-
nishing the English with books in Greek and Latin and
the modern languages, some of the continental printers
did a flourishing trade in the printing of books in Eng-
lish. Their work was generally better and cheaper than
that of the English printers.
As has already been said, English printing was left
very much alone up to 1557 excepting that privileges
were granted by the crown rather freely. Beginning
with the privileges to print statutes and law books, the
practice spread until by the middle of the sixteenth cen-
tury practically all profitable printing was covered by
privilege.
During this period, and indeed for several centuries
later, the industry was free from labor troubles. The
reason, however, is to be found in the peculiar situa-
tion which existed under English law. Under English
common law all combinations of workmen were con-
sidered as contrary to public policy, regarded as com-
binations in restraint of trade, and dealt with very
harshly. A single workman might work or refuse to
work for whatever pay or under whatever conditions
he pleased, but an agreement of two or more on this
basis, that is to combine for pay, hours, and the like,
was a criminal conspiracy. Not only were any agree-
ments such a group of men might make absolutely
void, but the very fact of entering such a combination
was itself a criminal offence. From the reign of Edward
I (1272-1307) to George IV (1820— 1830) thirty or
forty acts of Parliament, commonly called "Statutes
of Laborers," were passed on this basis. The reenact-
ment of legislation on this subject from time to time
was not caused, as is usual in such cases, by the inef-
REGULATION OF THE INDUSTRY 21
fectiveness of the legislation but by the necessity of
meeting special conditions which were created by visi-
tations of the plague, wars, and other events having
far-reaching industrial effects.
The development of the factory system of produc-
tion, beginning about the middle of the eighteenth cen-
tury, with the consequent gathering of great groups of
workmen in certain localities and the rapid increase in
the town population, rendered a continuance of the old
regulations more and more difficult. The laws against
combinations of workmen were evaded by the organ-
ization of secret societies, while the displacement of
large numbers of hand workers by the introduction of
machinery caused serious labor troubles and rioting.
Other conditions too familiar to need description arose
which caused friction between the workmen and their
employers. Attempts were made at first to put a stop
to the combinations of the workmen by more and more
stringent legislation. This proving unsuccessful, the
legislation was modified in the direction of leniency.
Gradually the unions won their way to recognition,
although this recognition was developed in the slow
and inconsistent way which is common with English
legislation.
In 1875 the whole matter was put on a new basis by
the legal acceptance of the principle that it is lawful
for any combination of men to do any act which it
would be lawful for either of them to do singly. This,
of course, was a reversal of the fundamental principle
of more than six hundred years of labor legislation, that
it was not lawful for a combination of men to do things
which any one of them might lawfully do. Since that
time the unions have rapidly won their way to full
22 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
recognition and to great importance in the industry. In
England to-day practically all trades are very thoroughly
unionized. The printing industry is no exception.
Union membership is much more universal among the
workmen in the industry than it is in the United States.
This development of organization among the work-
men has been accompanied by a development of strong
organizations of employers in all industries. To-day
practically all industrial bargaining in England is col-
lective bargaining carried on between associated em-
ployers and associated employees.
The same difficulties arising out of lack of regula-
tion which had vexed the industry on the continent
had made themselves felt in England, but with their
usual good sense the English attacked the problem at
a very early period. Nearly sixty years before the
organization of the Community of Printers in France,
in 1618, the English had put printing in line with the
other industries by the organization of the Stationers'
Company in 1557, the last year of Queen Alary I.
The organization of the Stationers was by no means
an innovation. It was rather the legalizing and regu-
larizing of a condition which had risen under the famil-
iar conditions of English industry. As early as 1403
we find the guild or fraternity of scriveners. This
guild or fraternity developed into the "Craft" of sta-
tioners, influential in fixing and controlling trade cus-
toms. The growth of the craft or trade guilds in Eng-
land was not unlike that of similar organizations in
Europe. Their control of the situation, however, seems
to have been even more close than elsewhere. An ordi-
nance of Edward II (1307-1327) compelled every citizen
of a town to be a member of some craft or mystery.
REGULATION OF THE INDUSTRY 23
In 1375 the election of the city officials of London
was turned over to the craft guilds or, as they were
termed, liveried companies. The liveried companies
were so called because each had a distinctive dress
which was worn on formal occasions. From this time
on the liveried companies controlled the political and
municipal power of London for several centuries, elect-
ing the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, controlling the
train-bands, or city militia, and to a great extent hold-
ing the defence of the kingdom in their hands. About
seventy-six of these companies still continue to exist.
They survive mainly for charitable and philanthropic
purposes, conserving and administering the large funds
which were accumulated in early centuries.
The Stationers' Company was organized in 1557
partly because the printers saw the necessity for organ-
ization and regulation of the industry, and partly be-
cause the crown desired a better means for controlling
printing than had theretofore existed. It will be re-
membered that this was in the midst of the age of
religious controversy. King Henry VIII had attempted
to set himself up as the head of a national church which
was not Protestant and at the same time did not
acknowledge allegiance to the Pope. King Henry exe-
cuted with great impartiality both those who defended
the ecclesiastical supremacy of the Pope and those
who professed Protestant opinions. His successor,
King Edward VI, was a Protestant and attempted to
make England Protestant. His short reign was fol-
lowed by that of Mary I, who was a Catholic and at-
tempted to make England Catholic. Her comparatively
short reign was followed by the long reign of Elizabeth,
in whose time Protestantism became the established
24 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
state church of England. It will be remembered that
it was near the close of Mary's reign that the Sta-
tioners' Company was chartered, and the interest of
the crown in securing a better control of the printing
press and its output is obvious. In 1560, the second
year of Elizabeth, the incorporation of the Stationers'
Company was rendered complete by the enrolment
of the new company in the list of the liveried companies
of London, and we shall presently see that the royal
hand was laid heavily upon the printers and their work.
The Stationers' Company was organized in the usual
form, with its administration in the hands of a Master
and two Wardens. The terms of the charter gave the
company authority to govern the trade and to enforce
its regulations by the exercise of the right of visitation
and disciplinary control over its members. This
extended not only to the enforcement of the regula-
tions of the Company but also to the enforcement of
royal proclamations and injunctions, and decrees of
the Star Chamber.
The Star Chamber, frequently mentioned in English
history in general, as well as in the history of English
printing, was a special court of high officials. The
powers and jurisdiction of this court were somewhat
vague and undefined. Theoretically it was intended
to deal with matters which could not be adequately
dealt with by the regular courts because of the neces-
sity of immediate action, the important nature of the
case, or other conditions which made the action of the
ordinary courts too slow or not sufficiently effective.
Naturally the existence of such a court opened the
way to serious abuses, and alleged abuses of its author-
ity played a very large part in the Revolution by which
REGULATION OF THE INDUSTRY 25
King Charles I lost his head. As a result of these revo-
lutionary movements, the court was discontinued in
1641, after an existence of at least three hundred years.
It is supposed to have derived its name from the fact
that the ceiling of the room it sat in in early times was
decorated with stars.
After the organization of the Stationers' Company
the exercise of the trade was limited to its members.
The Company was required to keep registers giving
the names of the Masters and Wardens, of all the mem-
bers of the Company and their apprentices, and of all
who "took up freedom," that is to say, became mem-
bers of the Company from time to time. All books
printed were required to be registered with the Com-
pany and a copy deposited in the archives accompanied
by a fee. This was the beginning of copyright. It was
understood that the members of the Company should
respect each others' rights to publications thus regis-
tered, although it appears to have been a "gentleman's
agreement" rather than a regulation. This require-
ment did not apply to books which were published
under royal privilege, but the members of the Com-
pany were bound to respect these privileges and not
in any way infringe upon the rights which they con-
ferred. The requirement of registration did not apply
to the king's printers in so far as their patent for the
royal printing extended; that is to say, the royal printer
was not required to register statutes, law books, or other
government printing, but he was required to register
all general publications. This legislation requiring
registration was not always strictly enforced.
The powers of the Company were used much more
for the regulation and control of printing than for the
26 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
improvement of the art. It was to the Company that
the government looked particularly for the enforce-
ment of the statutes regarding printing. For that
reason, if a book were of doubtful character and liable
to be prohibited the publisher preferred to run the
chance of attempting to evade the regulation regard-
ing registration. Fortunately the registers of the Com-
pany containing the records of all their transactions
are for the most part still in existence. They furnish
an immense fund of valuable information extending
over a very long period.
The Stationers' Company included the printers, book-
binders, type-founders, and booksellers. It had ninety-
seven charter members. A few of the London printers
are known not to have joined the Company when it was
organized. Why they stood out we do not know. Very
likely it was simply the usual assertion of British inde-
pendence and impatience of control. The requirement
of membership in the Company as a requisite to carry-
ing on the business was not enforced with regard to
those printers who were in business when the Company
was chartered, its application being restricted to those
who might thereafter desire to enter the business. Some
of the independents afterwards joined the Company.
The remainder stayed out permanently.
The organization of the Company was not in itself
sufficient to secure the desired control of the industry.
As has already been pointed out, an immense flood of
printed matter was being brought out on account of
the bitter religious and political controversies of the
time. Most of it was very poor printing. The end
desired was to get it out as quickly as possible and as
cheaply as possible. Much of it was objectionable to
REGULATION OF THE INDUSTRY 27
the government and the organization of the Company
was immediately followed up by repressive legislation.
In 1558 Queen Elizabeth laid the foundation of leg-
islation for the control of the press by issuing "injunc-
tions" which required that every book should be li-
censed either by the Queen or by the members of the
Privy Council, by the Archbishop of Canterbury, by
the Chancellor of one of the two universities, or by
other authorities specified in the act. Frequent proc-
lamations and orders show that the injunctions were
not obeyed. It may be laid down as a fundamental
principle in the study of history that the frequent repe-
tition of legislation on any one subject shows that the
subject is considered very important by the govern-
ment and that the legislation is not effective. So seri-
ously was this matter regarded by the government
that very extreme measures were adopted in dealing
with offending printers. One William Carter, for
instance, who had been several times punished for
breach of the printing regulations, finally printed a
seditious book, "a treatise of schisme," for which he
was tried for high treason, condemned to death and
hanged, disembowelled, and quartered according to the
ghastly custom of that time.
By way of further tightening of the regulations a
Star Chamber decree was issued in 1586 much more
strict than any preceding order. By the provisions of
this decree all presses then working had to be reported
in the same way as already provided. No presses
whatever were allowed outside of London, excepting
one each at Oxford and Cambridge. Previous to the
charter of the Company provincial presses had been
started at Oxford, York, Cambridge, Abingdon, Tav-
28 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
istock, St. Albans, Bristol, Ipswich, Canterbury, and
Norwich, in the order named. These, of course, were
all swept away by this act excepting those of Oxford
and Cambridge. No more presses were to be permitted
until the number in use had been reduced to a number
which should be pronounced sufficient for the needs of
the kingdom by the Archbishop of Canterbury and
the Bishop of London. Vacancies in the number of
licensed printers were to be filled by three stationers
(members of the Company) who would be nominated
by the Company and licensed by an ecclesiastical com-
mission. The censorship, both ecclesiastical and lay,
was developed and enforced by further provisions of
the act.
These are the conditions under which that great
literature which is known as Elizabethan literature
was created and published. It seems incredible that
such literature could have been produced under such
conditions. The fact that it was so produced seems
to show that the censors made a conscientious attempt
to enforce the legislation in such a way as to prevent
the actual abuse of the printing press and to protect
the government from danger arising from these sources,
while leaving pure literature as free as the conditions
permitted. Of course, we of to-day regard any system
of press censorship as wrong and cannot approve
any such legislation. It is worth while, however, to
remember that these men made an earnest effort to
live up to the moral and political standards of their
own time.
In the execution of this edict the Stationers' Com-
pany made weekly official visits to every shop. These
visitations were intended to ascertain:
REGULATION OF THE INDUSTRY 29
1. How many presses each printer possessed.
2. What he printed.
3. How many impressions were taken of each piece
of work.
4. How many workmen and apprentices there were
in each plant.
5. Whether unauthorized persons «were employed or
allowed to remain about the plant.
The regulations of the edict and also the private
regulations of the Company seem to have been en-
forced at this time with all the thoroughness in the
power of the Company. The registers show that its
officers frequently seized and destroyed editions of
unlicensed books and in other ways enforced the edicts
against all persons. Its own members were frequently
disciplined. The registers show discipline for printing
an unlicensed book, for selling a prayer book of Edward
VI in place of one of Elizabeth, for infringing a copy-
right, for printing indecent or offensive matters, for
selling books to other than book shops, for selling books
"disorderly printed," for keeping open on Sundays
and festival days, and for keeping unregistered ap-
prentices. The phrase "disorderly printed" appears to
refer to the careless and inaccurate printing of the books
rather than to the nature of their contents. The print-
ing standards of the time were not high, but this would
appear to indicate a disposition to maintain them,
such as they were. The punishment for selling to other
than book shops is interesting as showing that at that
early period the book trade suffered from one of the
things which to-day causes much complaint among
booksellers. Sales by department stores, drug stores,
and other parties disposed to cut rates are regarded as
3o PRINTING IN ENGLAND
serious difficulties in the book trade of to-day and it is
evident that the same difficulty occurred three hundred
and fifty years ago.
The difficulties of the printers were by no means
limited to those created by the edicts or regulations.
One of the great sources of difficulty lay in the privi-
leges and monopolies which had been recklessly granted
for a considerable period. These privileges had a most
unfortunate effect upon the industry both on the side
of business and on that of craftsmanship. On the side
of business they gave to certain printers a monopoly
of practically all of the work which was certain to pro-
duce good financial returns, leaving to the unprivileged
printers the doubtful enterprise of producing current
literature. On the side of craftsmanship they took
away the spur of competition. The greater part of
the literature of this period was produced by unprivi-
leged printers, most of it with very little profit to them.
On the other hand, the privileged printer, being secured
in his monopoly of a certain kind of production, was
not held to any artistic standards. Competition being
impossible, he could print as cheaply and as badly as
he chose and generally did so. In both directions the
effect was paralyzing.
Naturally the unprivileged printers were constantly
tempted to infringe upon the monopoly rights of the
others, with the result that there was constant friction
and appeals to authority were taken on both sides.
The matter finally came to a head in a serious revolt
of the unprivileged printers under the leadership of
one John Wolfe. Wolfe was a member of the Fish-
mongers' Company, but had undertaken to do printing
and declared boldly that he proposed to lead a move-
REGULATION OF THE INDUSTRY 31
ment which would revolutionize the entire situation.
The revolt was sufficiently serious to bring about a
compromise by which a considerable number of priv-
ileges were given up entirely or turned over to the
Company to be re-distributed by them among the
printers. The extent to which these privileges were
granted may be seen by the fact that John Day, of
whom we shall hear more presently, alone gave up fifty-
three privileges, although he kept several of the most
important and profitable ones. Wolfe transferred his
membership from the Fishmongers' to the Stationers'
Company. As a member of the Stationers' Company
he obtained certain privileges for himself and it is inter-
esting to note that not long afterward the registers of
the Company show Wolfe appealing because somebody
had infringed upon a privilege of his. Wolfe rose to
become an officer of the Company and distinguished
himself as a prosecutor of offending printers and a
staunch upholder c t law and order.
The natural result of the reduction of the number
of offices under the edict of 1586 was that the trade
was seriously overmanned and there were too many
apprentices, as the reduction in the number of offices
did not affect the number of either journeymen or
apprentices. The Company dealt with the matter in
a rather successful fashion by an order issued in 1587.
This order limited the number of apprentices and
attempted to make as much work as possible for the
journeymen. It provided that no apprentice should
be allowed to work in either the composing room or
the press room if there were any competent journey-
men in need of work. When we remember the small
number of offices in London and the fact that there
32 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
were only two in England outside of London, we can
readily see that this order was not so difficult of en-
forcement as might appear. No form was to be kept
standing to the injury of workmen. The meaning of
this is clearer when we remember that all composition
at this time was hand composition and that stereotyping
and other methods of preserving forms were not known
and consequently a reprint or re-issue was, excepting
for absence of editorial work, a new job. If there was
expectation that a new reprint might soon be required
and the printer had the type to spare he might leave
a form standing and so avoid the labor of recomposi-
tion. This regulation meant that as soon as the first
impression was taken the type must be distributed so
that in case of reprinting the compositor would have
a new job. For like reasons the number of copies to
be printed was limited in ordinary cases to 1250 or
1500, so that if the book proved to be popular work
might be provided in setting up repeated editions.
These regulations seem to have been reasonably suc-
cessful so far as the journeymen were concerned, but,
of course, they materially increased the price of books.
The period of apprenticeship was from seven to
eleven years. It was intended that apprenticeship
should end at 24, and the length of the apprenticeship
depended upon the age at which it was begun. At the
end of the apprenticeship the indenture required that
the master should m ke the apprentice free of the Com-
pany "if he have well and truely served." As the limit
of membership of the Company was only about 25,
for a long period only about one-half of the apprentices
ever became masters; the rest of them remained per-
manently in the position of journeymen. As elsewhere
REGULATION OF THE INDUSTRY 33
in Europe, the apprentice might become heir to the
business and the place in the Company by marrying
either the daughter or the widow of a master printer.
Apparently the business went to the widow rather
than to the daughter if the widow survived. Widows
even seem to have taken the business in preference to
sons. Consequently the widow of a master printer was
a very desirable match for an ambitious apprentice in
spite of any difference in age, and several instances
are recorded where a business changed hands twice by
successive re-marriages of the widow.
There was a strong tendency, which we shall discuss
more at length later, for the bookseller to get control
of the situation. Copyrights generally belonged to
the booksellers. They purchased them from the authors
and held them as against the printers. It must be
remembered that an author could not obtain a copy-
right, as copyright was secured by registration in the
Stationers' Company and this registration could be
made only by a bookseller or a printer. Consequently
the author was obliged to content himself with what
the purchaser of his work was willing to give him. The
bookseller naturally got his printing done as cheaplv
as he could and printers cut prices then just as thev
do now, and got poor as a result just as they do now.
CHAPTER III
John Day and the Dark Ages of English
Printing
ONE name stands out among English printers of
this period, that of John Day. who has been de-
scribed as "one of the best and most enterprising of
printers." Day was born in 1522 and began to print in
1546. His business career lasted for thirty-eight years.
He died in 1584, at the age of 62. Day began his business
life at a period when English printing was very poor. His
first books were as bad as those of his contemporaries.
They were printed from worn type, the press work was
bad, they were without pagination, and he did not even
use a device such as was customary among printers
at that time. His first important work was a Bible,
printed in 1549. This Bible was illustrated by wood-
cuts which were very evidently second-hand, as they
extended beyond the letter-press on the page. On the
accession of Queen Alary I, in 1553, he went abroad,
possibly for religious reasons, but probably not, as Day,
like most printers of this particular time, found no
difficulty in conforming himself to the religious views
of the government. As a rule they accepted the pecu-
liar position of Henry VIII which has already been
described, printed Protestant books under Edward VI,
Catholic books under Mary, and Protestant books
under Elizabeth. They seem to have been quite con-
tent, in other words, to take what was brought them
and to accept whatever government regulations might
be in existence.
34
THE DARK AGES OF PRINTING 35
This attitude on the part of the printers reflects the
general attitude of the English people at this time.
There is very little doubt that the mass of the people
were neither staunchly Catholic nor aggressively Prot-
estant. While there were earnest and aggressive
spirits in both parties, it seems quite clear that the
vast majority of the people were ready to accept either
Catholicism or Protestantism as a state church. Eng-
land did not become aggressively Protestant until well
into the reign of Elizabeth. Unfortunately for the
interests of religion and of religious toleration, the
church question became a political question, and when
Spain and the other Catholic powers attempted to
overthrow the government of England and make Eng-
land dependent upon Spain, patriotism and Protest-
antism came to be regarded by the English as synony-
mous terms. Here, as elsewhere, the Reformation was
a political more than a religious question.
Just when Day returned to England is not clear,
but it was before the death of Queen Mary, as he was
a charter member of the Stationers' Company, which
was chartered in the last year of her reign, and pub-
lished a book dated the same year. Evidently Day
studied abroad. Very probably that was his 'purpose
in travel, for we find that in 1559 his books began to
show excellence and they improved in quality until we
find him soon producing the best printing which had
yet been done in England. From this time on his
work was marked by accuracy, taste, and a high grade
of excellence in both typography and presswork.
He was greatly encouraged and at times assisted by
Matthew Parker, who was Archbishop of Cantcrbury
from 1559 to 1575. Parker was by no means a great
36 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
man, but he was just the sort of man whom the auto-
cratic Elizabeth wished to have for Archbishop of
Canterbury. He was moderate in his views and easy-
going in temperament, a scholar and collector of beau-
tiful things and a patron of the arts and sciences.
Parker not only encouraged and patronized Day but
employed him to print on the private press which the
Archbishop had set up at Lambeth. Day's best piece
of work was an edition cf Asser's "Life of Alfred the
Great" which he printed for Parker in 1574.
Day published and printed the first edition of Foxe's
"Book of Martyrs," a huge folio volume of 2008 pages.
In 1578 Day published a book in Latin and Greek.
The Greek was the best face yet seen in England and
was equal to the work of Estienne. Other notable
achievements of Day were the printing of the Psal-
ter with musical notes, the cutting of Hebrew words
in wood to be used in printing the life of Bishop Jewel,
published in 1573, and the cutting of a font of Saxon
type which appears to have been the first used in Eng-
land. This font contained twenty-six capitals and
twenty-seven lowercase letters. The capitals consisted
of eighteen old roman letters and eight Saxon characters,
two of which were diphthongs. The lowercase contained
fifteen roman and twelve Saxon characters. Day also
cut italic types to match roman, the first time this had
been done. Day's work was mainly religious, although
he published some of the first English plays and some
other works of general literature.
As usual with men of great excellence, Day suffered
much from the antagonism of jealous rivals, but this
antagonism was not sufficient to deprive him of suc-
cess. The excellence of his work was rewarded not
THE DARK AGES OF PRINTING 37
only by success in business but by the award of a large
number of privileges which were sources of great profit.
We have seen, however, that he relinquished a large
number of these at the time of Wolfe's revolt. Those
that he saved seem to have been by far the most
profitable.
A few other printers of this period need mention
for various reasons. The best work after that of Day
was done by Vautrollier. Tottell, whose name is vari-
ously spelled in the records of the time, printed many
things of great value to English literature. He was
an enterprising printer of contemporary publications.
Robert Darker, king's printer to James I, printed the
statutes, proclamations, and editions of the Book of
Common Prayer of that period and deserves to be
remembered as the original printer of the so-called
Authorized Version of the Bible, published in 161 1.
This English text, sometimes called the Authorized
and sometimes called the King James Version, was the
only text of the English Bible received among English-
speaking people until the revision made in the latter part
of the eighteenth century. It may be worth while to
note that this version is not uncommonly erroneously
referred to as the St. James Version. There is abso-
lutely no justification for this common error. The
book was authorized by King James and for that rea-
son is known as the Authorized or King James Ver-
sion. King James, however, was no saint. The au-
thorization was simply a license or permission. Darker
published the book as a commercial venture at his
own expense. He used the same type and the same
ornaments as those used in the Bishop's Bible, an
English translation published in 1568.
38 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
John Norton, another one of the group of printers
favored by James I, cut some of the best Greek types
which have ever appeared in England. He was a
worthy successor in this field of John Day. William
and Isaac Jaggard printed the famous folio edition
of Shakespeare's plays in 1623. Typographically it
was a poor piece of work, but as a literary landmark
it is of the utmost importance.
The standards of Day were not long maintained.
There were a few good printers in the seventeenth cen-
tury, but for the most part they were poor and the ten-
dency was decidedly toward deterioration. Political and
religious controversies broke out afresh in the reign cf
James I (1613-1625) and were continued with increas-
ing bitterness until they finally broke into the storm
of civil war which swept over England in the reign of
Charles I. A natural result of these conditions was a
tightening of the restrictions upon the press, which
became more and more burdensome. The contro-
versies called forth floods of literature, much of which
had to be clandestinely printed. The restrictions, as
we shall presently see, were almost unbearable and
the market was greatly disturbed. The consequence
was that English printing reached its low-water mark
in the last half of the seventeenth century. The period
which we are considering, however, shows one impor-
tant invention which in its field was a distinct im-
provement. Copperplate engraving was introduced into
England in 1540, but it was a long time before it came
into general use. Later we find it used first for por-
traits, then for engraved title pages, some of which
were cf great beauty, and then for general purposes of
illustration.
THE DARK AGES OF PRINTING 39
James I strengthened the Company of Stationers
by withdrawing several valuable privileges from pri-
vate persons and giving them to the Company. This
action was probably taken with a view to making the
Company more reliable as the agent for the enforce-
ment of the press laws, which were not materially
changed during James's reign. With the political and
religious dissensions which followed the accession of
Charles I in 1^25 came renewed efforts to meet the
rising tides of discussion and to dam up the flood of
pamphlets, mostly badly printed, first by the more
stringent enforcement of the old laws and then by the
enactment of new ones. The Company's registers at
this time show a long list of penalties, including fines,
cropping of ears, imprisonment, and expulsion from
the Company. It is only just to King Charles, how-
ever, to say that he did attempt to foster learning
and encourage good printing, provided the learning
were politically and religiously orthodox according to
King Charles's standards and the printers were ame-
nable to authority.
In this connection there is a rather interesting inci-
dent of an attempt by King Charles to set up a Greek
press. In 163 1 Barker and Lucas printed the so-
called "Wicked Bible," which derived its name from
an unfortunate typographical error, the omission of
the word "not" in the seventh commandment. Barker
and Lucas were fined for their carelessness €300, a
very heavy fine, equal, if we make allowance for the
difference in the purchasing power of money, to about
#12,000 to-day. In settlement of this fine they were
commanded instead of paying the money into the
treasury to purchase £300 worth of Greek type and
4o PRINTING IN ENGLAND
to print one Greek book a year at their own cost and
risk, the Archbishop of Canterbury to fix the size of
the edition. They gladly agreed to this, but owing
to the political conditions which immediately followed
very little came of it.
In 1637 a Star Chamber decree was issued which
marks the high-water mark of governmental regula-
tions in England. By this decree all books of every
sort were to be licensed. Law books were to be licensed
by the Lord Chief Justice and the Lord Chief Baron;
books dealing with history by the Secretaries of State;
books on heraldry by the Earl Marshal; books on any
other subjects by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the
Bishop of London, or the Chancellors or Vice-Chan-
cellors of the two universities. Two copies of every
book submitted for publication were to be handed to
the licenser, one of which he was to keep for future
reference. Catalogues of books imported into the coun-
try were to be sent to the Archbishop of Canterbury
or to the Bishop of London, and no consignments of
foreign books were to be opened until the representa-
tives of one of these dignitaries and of the Stationers'
Company were present.
It was further decreed that no merchant or book-
seller should import from abroad any book printed
in the English language. The main purpose of this
enactment was probably to prevent evasion of the
English press laws by the importation from abroad
of books objectionable to the government. It was
also, although this purpose was probably secondary,
intended to protect England from foreign competition.
The name of the printer, the author, and the publisher,
and the place of publication and sale were to be placed
THE DARK AGES OF PRINTING 41
in every book. No person was permitted to erect a
printing press or to let any premises for the purpose
of carrying on printing without first giving notice to
the Company, and no carpenter was permitted to make
a press without similar notice.
The number of master printers was limited to twenty.
Every master printer had to give a bond of £300 for
good behavior. The Master and the Wardens of
the Stationers' Company might have three presses each
and three apprentices. No other printer could have
more than two presses. A master printer on the livery
(a member of the Company) might have two appren-
tices, others only one. The master printers were t©
give work to journeymen when requested to do so.
This enactment was not made out of any tenderness
for unemployed journeymen but for the reason that
the unemployed journeyman was always tempted to
pick up an occasional shilling by printing unlicensed
or objectionable books. It was considered desirable
to keep him employed where his work could be super-
vised. All reprints had to be licensed exactly the same
as new publications. The Company was confirmed
in its right of search. This meant not simply a right
of supervision of printing offices, but the right to search
any place where it might be suspected that printing
was being carried on. One copy of every book had to
be filed in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. Only four
type-founders were permitted to carry on busin<
Books could be sold only by booksellers. The pun-
ishments imposed for infractions of these laws included
destruction of stock, fines, imprisonment, and whipping
at the cart's tail. The allowance of type-founders,
small as it was, seemed to be ample, in spite of the
42 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
fact that English type-founders had now ceased to cut
type. English type-founding had generally been poor
up to this time and was to continue so for some time
to come. What new type came into use in the Eng-
lish printing offices was mainly bought on the conti-
nent.
Up to this time a great deal of printing had been
done on the continent for the English market. The
works of the Fathers, the classics, and the greater
part of the serious publications of the time, being
printed mostly in Latin, were in the hands of the
continental printers. With their facilities for the
production and distribution of books they held the
market so securely that English printers did not even
attempt competition. In addition to that a great
deal of printing in the English language for the Eng-
lish market continued to be done on the continent.
As has already been indicated, a good deal of this was
political and religious and could not safely be pub-
lished in England. A considerable quantity of it, how-
ever, was work in general literature, which was done
better than most English work and cheaper than Eng-
lish work of a corresponding quality. The act of 1637
shut off a great deal of this foreign printing, especially
so much of it as was controversial.
Further legislation was enacted in order to develop
English printing. For a long time printing was not
an English industry. It will be remembered that
although Caxton was English born most of the early
printing was done by foreigners who came to England
for that purpose, and for a long time there was a very
large foreign element in the industry. In 1523 a law
was passed that no alien engaged in the printing busi-
THE DARK AGES OF PRINTIXC 43
ness in England could take any but English-born ap-
prentices. In 1529 an act was passed that no alien
not already naturalized could set up' any house or
shop for the exercise of any handicraft in England.
In 1534 it was further enacted that no books should
be imported bound and ready for sale and that no
unnaturalized alien could sell foreign printed books
except at wholesale.
The decree of 1637 was fortunately not long-lived.
The political ascendency of Parliament soon began to
be felt and in 1641 the Star Chamber was abolished.
While the abolition of this court did not directly affect
the decree of 1637, indirectly it made it practically
void. For a short while Parliament permitted the
decree to lapse and left the printers very much to them-
selves. This was not because Parliament was any
more liberal than King Charles in its views on the
subject of printing. It was only that while Parliament
was strong enough to suffer the law to be evaded and
so to give free rein to the scribbling propensities of
its supporters, it was not yet strong enough to muzzle
the writers on the other side. Parliament was also very
busy with other concerns and for the time being was
content to let the printers alone.
The result was an enormous flood of printing, most
of it worse than ever. An examination of the publica-
tions of the time shows that everything that would
go on a press was dug up and utilized. \\ e find in use
old type and blocks which had formed part of the
stock of Wynkyn de Worde and Pynson. As soon,
however, as Parliament got well seated in power it
proceeded to deal with printers along the old lines.
In 1643 it recnacted the decree of 1637 with the impor-
44 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
tant modification that the number of printers was not
limited. In 1649 sixty printers in London and the two
university towns gave the bonds for good conduct
required by law as a requisite to carrying on the busi-
ness. It will be remembered that the decree of 1637
limited the number in London to twenty, with one in
each of the universities. This act called forth one of
the noblest pieces of literature in the English language,
Milton's "Areopagitica," or plea for unlicensed print-
ing, in which Milton brings all the resources of his great
learning and matchless literary skill to the defence
of the freedom of the press. The plea, of course, fell
on deaf ears for the time, but it remains one of the
jewels of English literature. The Parliamentary gov-
ernment held the act as a weapon which could be used
in case of need. It was strictly enforced with regard
to political and religious books and newspapers. It
seems to have been very little enforced outside these
limits.
When Cromwell took the reins of power as Lord
Protector of England he enforced the press laws very
strictly. Cromwell was a masterful man and was not
disposed to permit criticism of his person and govern-
ment or discussion of matters of public policy upon
which the government had decided. On the death
of Cromwell there followed a period cf political uncer-
tainty during which the enforcement of the act was
relaxed, only to be renewed at the accession of King
Charles II in 1660.
Shortly after the accession of King Charles a group
of the best printers unsuccessfully petitioned for the
incorporation of a Company of Printers as distinguished
from the Stationers. They alleged that the Company
THE DARK AGES OF PRINTING 45
of Stationers was controlled by the booksellers and
that they cheapened printing and impoverished the
printers, that the Company of Stationers was so large
that only old men could attain to the dignity of masters
or wardens, and that only once in ten or twelve years
was it possible for a journeyman printer to become a
master printer. They claimed that a new Company
would free the printing industry from these shackles,
that it wrould improve the quality of printing, and
that it would secure for the government better supervi-
sion of the output of the press. This last was probably
a bait to the hook. The petition was not granted,
however, and things went on in the old fashion.
In 1662 a new act similar to the preceding ones was
passed, containing only one important variation by
which the privilege of having a printing press was
extended to the city of York. This act was for a time
very strictly enforced. The police power necessary
to the enforcement of the act was taken away from
the Stationers' Company and entrusted to Sir Roger
Lestrange, who was appointed censor of the press.
He was given control of the printing office and power
of search. With a few reserved exceptions the entire
licensing of books wras placed in his hands and he was
given a monopoly of the publication of news. Sir
Roger seems to have taken himself quite seriously
and to have discharged his functions for some years
with a considerable degree of efficiency. Many books,
however, were published without licenses. Some were
published clandestinely, while it is probable that Sir
Roger was more concerned to exercise the powers of
office for the suppression of political and religious
controversy and for the protection of his monopoly
46 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
than for the control of pure literature. The act was
reenacted in 1685 for a period of seven years. It was
then reenacted for a period of one year and finally
disappeared in 1694.
In spite of the wretched condition of printing at
this period a few lights appear in the gloom. Thomas
Roycroft did some very excellent printing. He achieved
one of the most remarkable tasks which had yet
been accomplished by an English printer in the pub-
lication of his famous Polyglot Bible. This Bible gave
the text in Hebrew, Latin, Greek, Chaldean, Syriac,
Arabic, Samaritan, Persian, and Ethiopic. Of course,
these languages did not all appear in all parts of the
Bible. The Greek, Latin, and Arabic texts appear
throughout. The Hebrew and Chaldean appear in the
Old Testament, the Ethiopic in the Psalms and New
Testament only, and the Persian only in the New
Testament. The types used came from four foundries,
one of them being a face cut by John Day. The work
was published in six great volumes, pages 16 x 10 inches.
The text was so arranged that when the Bible was
opened at any point each double page showed all the
languages used for that particular passage. The first
volume was published in September of 1654. The
second appeared in 1655, the third in 1656, and the
other three in 1657. Cromwell encouraged the work
by ordering the admission of the paper duty free.
In 1688 the largest office in London was that of
James Fletcher, who had five presses and employed
thirteen journeymen and two apprentices. One of the
printers of this period, John Barber, arrived at the dis-
tinction of Lord Mayor of London. He was a very
popular Lord Mayor and he must have been very pros-
THE DARK AGES OF PRINTING 47
perous in business or he would not have acquired the
means necessary to holding the position. He was in no
way remarkable as a printer, however.
During this period there were four type-founders of
importance — Joseph Moxon, the Andrew,; broth <
the Glover brothers, and Thomas James. The most
famous of these was James Moxon. Primarily a man of
science, he was distinguished as a mathematician and
hydrographer. To these interests he added type-
founding. Like Durer in Germany and Geoffry Tory
in France, he worked out a theory of type design in
exact mathematical proportions, but like these and
other attempts of the same sort it was not successful.
While it is true that there must be proportion in type-
faces, it is also true that a beautiful and legible type-
face must have qualities ether than a mere mathe-
matical exactness. Moxon is known chiefly by his
important work, "Mechanick Exercises." Part II of
this book is an exhaustive study of printing and type-
founding. So thorough was Moxon's study of these sub-
jects and so accurate his presentation that the work is
yet a standard authority on many fundamental points.
Joseph and Robert Andrews, although not very good
workmen, made an extensive variety cf type and found
a good sale for it. They used the Moxon fonts, but
added to them new roman and italic fonts, learned
fonts, so called, Anglo-Saxon, and Irish. James and
Thomas Glover cast two fonts of black letter from the
matrices cut by Wynkyn de Worde and some foreign
letters. They do not appear to have undertaken com-
petition with Andrews and James in the ordinary forms
of letter. Thomas James, who shared with the An-
drews brothers a large portion of the business, used
48 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
two sets of matrices cut in Holland. Of course, these
few type-founders hardly made a beginning of supply-
ing the English printers with type. The greater part
of the printing of this period was done from type im-
ported from Holland. It was in order to compete with
this imported type that James obtained possession
of the two fonts of Dutch matrices which were the
backbone of his type-foundry.
After the Restoration of 1660, we find the Oxford
Press rapidly advancing to the commanding position
in English printing which it came to occupy in later
years and still holds. Oxford had been a centre of
royal influence in the civil wars. King Charles I held
court there for some time and the university was
always staunchly loyal to the Stuarts. Naturally it
enjoyed the sunshine cf royal favor when the Stuarts
came back in the person of Charles II.
In 1667 Dr. John Fell, Vice-Chancellor of the Uni-
versity and afterward Bishop of Oxford, gave the
University a complete type-foundry with matrices of
roman, italic, black-letter Saxon, and several Ori-
ental tongues. Ten years later Francis Junius added
to the equipment of the foundry a splendid collection
of out-of-the-way types, including Runic, Gothic, Saxon,
Icelandic, Danish, and Swedish, together with a con-
siderable number of types of the more common sorts.
This equipment of type for learned work and foreign
language printing enabled the Oxford Press to take a
position without a rival as a producer of learned lit-
erature. The presswork and composition done at
Oxford were well maintained on the level of their type
equipment, so that the Oxford University Press soon
came to hold a unique position-
CHAPTER IV
The Eighteenth Century: the Period of
Transition
'T^HE eighteenth century was a very important time
■*■ in the history of English printing. It was the
period of the -changes and inventions which led over
from the medievalism of the seventeenth century
to the modernism of the nineteenth. Three special
changes took place: first, the invention of stereotyping;
second, the rise of the modern publisher; and, third, the
dawn of modern ideas in types and typography.
The story of the invention of stereotyping is the
tale only too common in industry of the inventor* who
is ahead of his time, the selfish and thoughtless crowd
who opposed him, the apparent failure of the enter-
prise, and final success for the idea when the inventor
is no longer alive to enjoy his triumph. About 1720
it occurred to a Scotchman named Ged that it ought
not to be difficult to cast type by the page. He hit
upon the idea of making a plaster-of-paris mould of the
type-set page and from it casting the plates. As usual
in such cases, he needed a partner with capital and
some technical knowledge. In 1727 he associated
himself with an Edinburgh printer, who soon became
alarmed at the apparent prospective cost and with-
drew from the enterprise. Soon after this Ged got
acquainted with a London stationer named William
Fenner. Fenner in turn introduced him to Thomas
James, the type-founder, and the three associated
49
5o PRINTING IN ENGLAND
themselves in partnership for the development of the
new process. For some reason James proved treacher-
ous. Apparently the investment which he was making
should have served to keep him faithful. Whether
he became alarmed by a fancied danger to his business
or was frightened or bought off by the printers is not
clear. At any rate, his cooperation was only half-
hearted. Instead of furnishing Ged with the best of
type from which to make his moulds he furnished him
with very poor type and his workmen wilfully damaged
the forms.
While this was going on Ged was appointed printer
to the University of Cambridge, where he met with
the same experiences at the hands of the printers.
Under great difficulties and discouragements he suc-
ceeded in producing two prayer books which were
printed from his plates, but the animosity of the printers
was so violent that the authorities suppressed the
books and destroyed the plates. The reason for this
animosity is not far to seek. The journeymen had
not yet recovered from the fear and danger caused by
the old statutes which had limited the number of shops
without limiting the number of journeymen, thus caus-
ing extensive lack of employment. It must be remem-
bered also that the old customs were still in force which
limited editions and prohibited keeping type standing.
It looked to the printers as if the invention of a proc-
ess which would fix type by pages and make possible
indefinite reprints from one setting of type was a most
serious threat to the industry. From the point of
view of the knowledge and the conditions in the second
quarter of the eighteenth century we shall have to admit
that their fears were well founded. They could not
THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION 51
possibly foresee the enormous increase of printing
which was to make the stereotype indispensable.
To complete the tale of his misfortune, Ged's part-
ners, James and Fenner, now fell out between them-
selves. The partnership was broken up and Ged, dis-
couraged and bankrupt, went back to Edinburgh.
His discouragement was not permanent, however, and
he made another attempt, but not a printer could be
found in Edinburgh who would set type for him.
Ged's son learned composition and set up a few books,
working by night, which were printed at Newcastle.
Ged died in 1749, apparently defeated. Later in the
century, however, his work was taken up and made
practical by Didot in France and his invention developed
to great proportions.
The early printers were their own publishers and
booksellers. Previous to the invention of typography
the maker and seller of the book were not ordinarily
the same person. It was only natural that in a short
time the stationers, that is to say, the sellers of manu-
script books and of writing materials, should sell printed
books' also. Both the printer and bookseller were inter-
ested in an attempt to cut out one profit. If the printer
sold to the bookseller and the bookseller sold to the
public, both must profit by the transaction. If the
printer could sell directly to the public or the book-
seller could print his own books, obviously the whole
or the greater part of both of these profits might go to
one man. In this competition, however, the book-
seller had three advantages. One came from the fact
that the carrying on of a printing plant was a busi-
ness enterprise and the additional care of maintaining
a selling organization for marketing books with the
52 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
public was more than most printers were equal to.
The second was that the bookseller could buy a whole
edition or contract for its publication. In this way
while he reduced the printer's profits he also greatly
reduced his risks. The third was that privilege and
copyright attached themselves to manuscripts. If the
bookseller bought the manuscript it could not be printed
except by arrangement with him. When the book-
seller became the owner of manuscripts, or became
sufficiently confident of his power to market books to
employ the printer to produce such books as he could
use, he became a publisher in the modern sense of the
word. He might either set up a printing establish-
ment of his own or he might have his work done by
contract by one or more outside printers.
The business methods of the old printers were very
simple. We have seen how SchoefTer did the first
piece of commercial printing when he struck off for
distribution a list of the books which he had on sale.
We have seen how Jenson and Aldus and the other
early printers sold their books at their printing offices,
advertised them by correspondence, and sent them to
the Frankfort Fair and other similar places. The
Plantin workshop, which is still maintained as the
Plantin Museum in Antwerp, still shows the little
salesroom which was part of the original business.
Caxton, with his sound business sense and trained
business habits, had a way of assuring or forecasting be-
forehand the sales of his books, thus anticipating to a con-
siderable extent the methods of the modern publishers.
It soon became the habit of the printers to open
shops apart. from their printing offices for the sale of
their productions. These salesrooms developed into
THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION 53
book-shops through carrying in stock the books of
other printers. In the old-world cities trades had a
habit of congregating in one place. If a man wanted
to open a book-shop, instead of trying to find a good
location where there were no other book-shops very
near at hand, he tried to get a location as near as he
could to all the other book-shops. In this way certain
streets or quarters of the cities, and particularly of
London, were given up to certain industries. The
centre of the English book trade of the seventeenth
century was the churchyard of the old St. Paul's Church.
This was the smaller church which occupied the site
where now stands the magnificent St. Paul's Cathedral
built by the great architect Sir Christopher Wren after
the fire of 1660.
A glimpse of the way in which the business was
done may be obtained from the following description
of John Day's book-shop: "He got framed a neat
handsome shop. It was but little and low, a flat roof,
and leaded [covered with sheets of lead] like a ter-
race, railed and posted, fit for men to stand upon in
any triumph cr show." Evidently thrifty John Day
was not above turning an honest penny by renting the
roof of his shop to those who desired to see the Lord
Mayor's show or some other glittering procession. All
processions of any importance passed St. Paul's. We
are told that this shop cost £40 or £50, which would
be equivalent, making allowance for the difference in
the purchasing power of money, to from #1200 to #1600
to-day. We are told that £150,000 worth of books
were burned at St. Paul's churchyard and in the crypt
of the church in the fire of 1666. This represents no
less than #4,000,000 in our present money.
x \ . [\TG IN ENG1 \\P
. i - e - . . .• ■ Leans oi th< s -
pos s . , bulletin board.
ere put up the titles oi new
s '- >S 9 brief bit of description.
. . e . . bound, st tched, or in sin .
\ ered boards,
- interact the tendency
... and other textiles, often
: embroidery. The books
ever, were ordinarily in
r binding The more wealthy and
: -- - . : buyers red to buy their books
. I tem placed in bindings which
nth their coats of arms or with
- It 7 tr^:nal nature. The stitched books
t first ting pierced through the sheets
with a string. In 1586 a limit
nd thickness of books which might
be sold in tl form. Those beyond the limit must be
ar binder's machine and made ready
put on. Sewed books were often
01 pasteboard to preserve them
. .1. This was substantially what
... . . . . . . ■ ■ ■
' een printers, book-
•: and irregular. Up
' ' ntury there was
right em epl registration
but 1 hat regisi ration
owner oi the manus< ript, who
'•' arily the author, Originally ihcse
v erally the printers because the printeri
hat just been pointed out, were
THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION' 55
the same. Later, as the ascendency of the booksellers
increased, it was they who held the manuscripts. Some-
times due regard was paid to the rights of the author
and sometimes not. This appears to have depended
entirely upon the arrangements which author and pub-
lisher were able to make. In many cases the author
got decidedly the worst of the bargain. The protec-
tion which the Company undertook to extend was
limited to the holder of the copyright. The situation
was further complicated by the survival of privileges
or monopolies of various sorts.
Toward the end of the seventeenth century, with the
passing away of the mediaeval conditions which had
previously prevailed, the Company's control of the
situation broke down. When the printing acts finally
went into disuse in 1594, as has already been described,
nobody had any protection. Everything in the way of
copyright was entirely abolished. This condition was
soon felt to be intolerable and in 1709 an Act of Parlia-
ment provided a system of copyright and recognized the
author's right to his work. By this act the owners
of old books and unpublished manuscripts, whether
they were the authors or not, had proprietary right
in them for twenty-one years, beginning April 10,
1 7 10. This part of the act, of course, was a temporary
provision for existing conditions. New books were to
be controlled by the author for fourteen years. If at
the end of that time the author was still living his copy-
right might be renewed for fourteen years more. Within
the limits during which the copyright was valid it could
be transferred. Such transference did not act as an
extension. The copyright was secured by registration
with the Stationers' Company as before.
56 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
This was really a booksellers' act, as at that time
they held nearly all of the copyrights and doubtless
expected to be able to secure all the new ones of any
value. That was what happened at first. The pro-
tection given to the authors by the new act greatly
altered the terms upon which the booksellers or pub-
lishers could obtain the manuscripts. It was some
years before the authors came to a full realization of
their rights under the new law. When they did arrive
at this knowledge authorship as a profession became
possible. For a long time authors sold their manu-
scripts outright to the publishers. The royalty system,
under which the author shares the profits of the work,
was a later development.
From this time on new work was controlled by the
authors and the use of their manuscripts could be
obtained only by some sort of bargain. All old work
not covered by copyrights existing in 1709, and after
173 1 all work upon which copyrights had expired,
might be freely printed by any one. From that time
on the publication of such works became, as it is now,
purely a manufacturing proposition. Whether or not
such books shall be published and whether or not the
publication is a commercial success depend entirely
upon the soundness of the publisher's judgment and
the accuracy with which he gauges the popular demand
for standard literature at a given price.
The publication of new work depends upon a variety
of circumstances. The publisher pays either in cash
or in royalty, or both, according to the prospects of
sale. In case of authors of reputation this prospect
can be reasonably well gauged. In case of unknown
authors the publisher must take a risk if he buys a
THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION 57
manuscript. In many cases the publisher will require
a guarantee against loss on an edition of a certain size.
He may require this guarantee because he has doubts
about the success of the work or because it is a book
of such limited circulation, although it may be of the
most important character, that the publication will
not be commercially profitable. Of course, if an author
is determined to see himself in print and no publisher
will take his work on any terms, he can hire a printer
to make up an edition, can get it copyrighted, and can
dispose of it in such way as he may find possible or
desirable.
From this legislation really dates the differentiation
of the trade. This was a matter of economic growth
rather than of legislation. The author might print
and publish and sell his work, the printer might pub-
lish and sell, the bookseller might print and publish,
but in either case there was an added risk combined
with a possibility of greater profit. Most persons are
content with smaller profits, providing they can be
released from risk. Under the system which now de-
veloped the publisher assumed the risk. In that way
he became the patron of both author and printer.
The first of the modern type of publishers was Jacob
Tonson, the elder, who began business in 1678. A
consideration of the development of the publishing
industry would take us too far afield and it will be
touched upon only as it directly concerns the devel-
opment of printing.
About 1720 a forward step was taken in the devel-
opment of English printing by the entrance of William
Caslon into the field of type-founding. Born in 1692,
we know little of his early life. In 1706 we hnd him,
58 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
then twenty-four years old, carrying on a little business
in London as an engraver of gun locks and a maker of
binders' tools. Through this last he came in contact with
printers, particularly John Walter and William Bowyer,
the younger, two of the well-known London printers
of that day. His connection with the printing trade,
his artistic skill, and his training as an engraver led
him to undertake the designing and cutting of type,
in which he was encouraged by his printer friends.
His type was immediately successful not only in Eng-
land but on the continent, which had hitherto never
looked to England for type. His type was very legible
and had a certain air of distinction which made it
much superior to any English type made at that time.
His roman was regular, graceful, and well proportioned,
a worthy successor of the types of Jenson and Aldus.
His italic was almost as good as his roman. The influ-
ence of Caslon upon English and afterwauds upon
American type-cutting has been very great. Many
of the types in most common use are either Caslon's
letter or some modification of it. This book is printed
in one of the Caslon types. For many years no Eng-
lish type-founder could compete with him successfully.
The principal types of distinction which were then
in the field were three, that of Giambattista Bodoni,
that produced by the Didot family, and that made in
Holland. Bodoni type was characterized by long
ascenders and descenders, over-long serifs, and pro-
tracted hair lines. This general style of letter was
very common in Italy for a long time both in typog-
raphy and in manuscript. In the last century the
so-called Italian hand, a handwriting showing these
characteristics, was for a long time very fashionable,
THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION 59
especially among ladies. The Didot type was char-
acterized by sharp contrasts, the thick lines being very
thick and the thin lines being razor-edged in their thin-
ness. The Dutch type was rounded and regular with
very little contrast between the thick and the thin
lines. Caslon's type was a rather successful effort to
retain the good qualities and avoid the defects of all
three. Avoiding the exaggeration of Bodoni, it retained,
though in modified form, the contrasts of Didot and
preserved the regularity of the Dutch without its
monotony and lack of contrast. Toward the end of
the century poor paper, poor presswork, and poor
ink led to an attempt to get clearness and legibility
by thickening the type lines. The result was the intro-
duction, about 1800, of a very ugly, fat-faced type
wrhich had wide use. Mrs. Caslon, a widow, who was
then in charge of the Caslon foundry, attempted to
meet these demands by thickening the lines of the
Caslon type, producing a modified form which had
considerable success for some time. The old Caslon
was revived by Whittingham about 1845. The better
paper, ink, and presswork of those days revealed anew
the excellence of the Caslon type and since that time it
has never lost favor.
An interesting figure of this period is Samuel Rich-
ardson (1689-1761). Richardson was a very good
printer and did a considerable business, but was tempted
into authorship and became one of the first of the
modern English novelists. He wrote, printed, and
published three novels which yet survive, "Pamela,"
"Clarissa Harlowe," and "Sir Charles Grandison."
The new vein which these novels struck in English
literature was immediately successful. The novels,
6o PRINTING IN ENGLAND
though very long and written in a style which to mod-
ern readers seems anything but lively, were not only
widely successful themselves, but were immediately
imitated, and the good old printer's modest efforts
were the beginning of the flood of novels which is now
poured out from the press. Because Richardson was
a pioneer his novels are remembered and students of
literature are set to read them, at least in part. It is
doubtful, however, if anybody reads them to-day unless
he has to. It is said that through the treachery of
one of Richardson's journeymen a Dublin printer got
out a pirated edition of "Sir Charles Grandison" and
sold it in Dublin before Richardson got it bound and
published in London. This was possible because the
English copyright law did not then apply to Ireland.
An interesting glimpse of the trade at this period
may be obtained through the pages of Wood fall's led-
ger from 1734 to 1747, which has been published. The
student of these matters can find therein very inter-
esting material for a study of comparative prices and
the like. One entry shows that he charged for the
printing of Pope's translation of the Iliad, demy paper,
long primer and brevier, 2000 copies, 6 volumes, 6814
sheets, £143 and 17 shillings, equal to about $1700 in
American money.
Perhaps the most interesting and important printer in
the eighteenth century in England was John Baskerville
(1706-1775). Baskerville was of unknown and humble
origin. At seventeen we find him a servant in the house
of a clergyman at Birmingham. He was a good penman,
however, and his employer soon set him to teach
penmanship to the poor boys of the parish and after-
wards got him a position as a teacher of penmanship
THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION 61
and bookkeeping in a school. Baskerville was not only
interested in penmanship but also in the cutting of
letters in stone. Unlike Caslon, this interest did not
lead him directly to take up type-founding or printing
as his life work. In 1736 a man by the name of John
Taylor set himself up in business at Birmingham as
a manufacturer of japanned ware. Baskerville became
interested in Taylor's work and learned Taylor's trade
secrets by following him about and whenever he went
into a shop and made a purchase going in himself and
buying the same things in the same quantities. In
this way he learned the composition of the japanning
mixture and shortly set up a business for himself.
This was his main business and source of revenue
throughout his life and was very prosperous. Basker-
ville did not imitate Taylor and was hardly his rival,
but won success in making other and better things
than those made by Taylor. Curiously enough, al-
though Baskerville remained in this business for many
years and was very successful, not a single piece of
work survives which is known to be his. Meanwhile
he did not lose his early interest in the correct forma-
tion of letters and he became actively interested in
type-founding about 1750. By this time, however,
his ideas had spread beyond the mere designing and
founding of type.
He conceived the idea of better books than had
yet been made in England. He considered the matter-
in its broadest possible aspects. He realized the fact
that a book is the result of many operations. He
believed that the making of the best books, such as
he had in mind, meant the best possible paper, type,
ink, machines, and workmanship. Beginning with the
62 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
type, he employed a skilful type-cutter to work from
his designs and is said to have spent £600 or £800
($3000 or $4000) before getting a font to suit him.
He never attempted to cut many types. His roman
differs from. Caslon's, but is equal to it in legibility.
It is beautifully clear, regular, and well proportioned.
Perhaps a certain lack of character and a too mechan-
ical perfection would be the general criticism which
could be brought against it. His italic was the best
which had as yet been seen in England.
Baskerville also cut a font of Greek type. This
experiment has been regarded as unsuccessful and his
Greek type has been somewhat criticised. It was un-
successful, but not through the fault of the type itself.
His type was excellent, but it differed considerably
from that to which the scholars were then accustomed
and the learned world did not care to adopt it. Minor
changes in the formation of English letters are not
important, providing the general form of the letter is
retained. In languages using a different character,
however, even slight modifications are liable to be
confusing and scholarly conservatism naturally shrinks
from changes of this sort. It is probable, moreover,
that the universities and the few persons doing print-
ing in Greek did not encourage the new character as
it would have involved a considerable expenditure for
new type. With the comparatively small use for Greek
type one font would last for a very long time.
Excellent as Baskerville's types were, they were not
generally adopted. The printers stuck to the work
of Caslon and Jackson, partly from the fact shortly
to be noted that Baskerville did not get on very well
with the printers and publishers and partly because
THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION
of the expense. They preferred sticking to the stand-
ard fonts and buying sorts which could be easily pro-
cured when necessary to undergoing the expense of
buying new fonts from the new founder. Although
the admirers of Baskerville consider his type better
than Caslon's, it was not enough better to drive it out
of the market. Baskerville's type, moreover, was
much criticised on its own account. It was claimed
that owing to its proportions and owing to its sharp
contrasts it was hard on the eyes. This criticism,
however, was probably very largely the result of prej-
udice and dislike.
Benjamin Franklin was a friend of Baskerville and
tells an amusing story about this kind of criticism. He
says that some printers were at his lodging in London and
complained vigorously of the objectionable character
of Baskerville's type and of the eye strain and head-
ache which it caused to its users. Franklin thereupon
stepped into another room and came back in a mo-
ment with a sheet of Caslon's specimens from which he
had removed the heading. He handed this sheet to
the critics who had been berating Baskerville and
praising Caslon and said that he could not help
thinking that they were influenced somewhat by their
prejudice and he wished that they would examine this
sheet and see if they actually did experience the un-
pleasant results of which they had complained. Sup-
posing the sheet to be Baskerville's type, they studied
it with some care and unanimously declared that they
found the same difficulties and experienced the same
discomforts which they had always met with in read-
ing Baskerville's type. Franklin refrained from point-
ing out' the -trap into which he had betrayed them,
64 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
but satisfied himself that their criticisms really were
the result of prejudice.
Type-founding, however, was only a part of Basker-
ville's scheme. As has been said, he had conceived
the idea of the perfect book, or at least a book nearer
perfection than England had yet seen. It is one of
the most interesting things about Baskerville that he
did not arrive at his conceptions by a process of experi-
mentation and production of mediocre work. He con-
ceived his idea and elaborated it in his mind first and
then undertook to realize it in a product. He was
the artist who conceives rather than the craftsman
who slowly elaborates. The designing and cutting of
new fonts of type was only one step in that direction.
He determined that he would attempt to produce the
whole book himself and he therefore set up a printing
office of his own. He selected the paper for his edi-
tions with the greatest care. It is not certain that he
did not even go so far as to make the paper for some
of them, but whether or not this is true he gave it
great attention. He took equal care with his ink,
using every precaution to secure the production of a
bright, clear ink which should work well and be per-
manent. He also had a special press built. This did
not involve any innovations in design, but was built
with the greatest care so as to secure the best possible
impression. In order to give smoothness and shine
to his pages and prevent the type from pressing into the
damp paper and making an impression on the reverse
side of the sheet he devised what is known as the hot
press method of finishing. As soon as the damp sheets
came from the press they were placed between plates
of hot metal and subjected to pressure. This gave the
THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION 65
paper a perfectly smooth, shiny surface. This was
another of the points of criticism of Baskerville's work.
Those who were familiar with the coarse paper and
rough impressions in common use declared that the
shine of the smooth paper hurt their eyes. Baskerville
also gave great attention to the typographical design
of his books. He used ample margins and developed
a style of dignified simplicity, free from extraneous orna-
mentation and extremely reserved in the use of all
forms of ornament.
As a result of this care Baskerville produced the best
books which had yet been made in England. They were
very expensive. No cost was spared in their production
and there was no catering to the popular taste which
would enable him to reduce unit costs by publishing large
editions. Baskerville frankly printed for the few. He
believed that there were lovers of good books and good
literature who were ready to pay what might be nec-
essary to obtain their favorite authors in a fitting dress.
In this he was somewhat disappointed. The number
of such persons was less numerous than he had sup-
posed and it is probable that on the whole Baskerville
lost rather than made money by his printing and type-
founding enterprises. He printed about sixty-seven books,
all of which were reprints of the classics or standard
authors. Not a single new book came from his press,
although these were the flourishing days of Samuel
Johnson, Goldsmith, Pope, Gray, Burke, Chesterfield,
Young, Akenside, and other famous writers. The
booksellers would not support him. He was not will-
ing to cheapen his work or to lower his prices to meet
their wishes, nor would he consent to being, like so
many printers, a mere servant of the publisher. He
66 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
felt that he had his artistic message to give to the world
and he insisted upon giving it in his own way, making
himself his own publisher as well as printer. Very
likely his editions would have made a larger sale if he
had had the support of the booksellers in putting them
on the market, but this was denied him.
Disheartened and disgusted by the lack of appre-
ciation and support, Baskerville tried to sell out his
type-foundry, but was unsuccessful. He negotiated
with several of the leading printers of the continent
and with Franklin, but was not able to effect a sale.
Twenty years after his death, however, his type was
used in the famous Boydell Shakspeare. His type
obtained partial recognition. His work has been called
too artistic for his time. It is said that Baskerville was
an artist, but the England of the eighteenth century
was not artistic. Perhaps it might better be said that
Baskerville's standard of perfection was higher than
his time could appreciate and that he failed because
there was not yet a sufficiently large public ready to
spend considerable money for de luxe book making.
Baskerville unquestionably possessed great taste and
a very high degree of mechanical skill. One does not
find in his work, however, the artist's spirit which
manifests itself in the work of the old masters or their
late nineteenth century followers. Baskerville's work,
nevertheless, was not in vain. No man can ever do
anything better than it has yet been done without con-
tributing to the progress of true art, even though his
productions are appreciated by but few people. Unques-
tionably Baskerville's work influenced the Whitting-
hams, who are the great figures in the world of printing
in the early nineteenth century.
THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION 67
It is interesting to note, before passing to the con-
sideration of the work of the Whittinghams, that sev-
eral, of the great English printing houses whose names
are familiar to all readers of books run back far into the
eighteenth century. The Rivington house was estab-
lished in 171 1, Eyre and Spottiswoode not much later,
Longmans in 1724, John Murray in 1768, William
Blackwood & Son in 1804, A. C. Black in 18 15, to men-
tion only a few of the more familiar. In many cases
these firm names have been several times changed,
but the firms have maintained continuous existence.
CHAPTER V
The Whittinghams and the Modern Book
CHARLES WHITTINGHAM, the elder, founder
of the business which is now known as the Chis-
wick Press, was born in 1767. He began work as
a printer in 1789 on a very small scale. His first
work was small job work such as cards, letterheads,
billheads, and the like. It was not until 1792 that he
did any book work at all. His first job was part of an
edition of Young's "Night Thoughts." It was not
uncommon at this time for publishers to parcel out a
book among a number of small printers, giving to each
a certain number of signatures. Like his great prede-
cessor Day, Whittingham started out doing printing as
badly as anybody else. The work which he did on his
first book order shows all the vices of the time.
Fortunately for the art, Whittingham was not con-
tent to remain a poor printer, although he must have
been perfectly aware that he was such. He early made
the acquaintance of William Caslon, from whom he
bought type and from whom he not improbably re-
ceived typographical suggestions. In 1798 he pub-
lished a book of a sort much in vogue at that period,
called "Pity's Gift." In choice of type, design of
title page, and other regards this book shows a great
improvement over the work of previous years. It
was illustrated and was the beginning of the long series
of illustrated books for which the house afterwards
became famous. The illustrations, however, were poor
in themselves and poorly printed. Here again Whit-
68
THE MODERN BOOK 69
tingham began on a level with his contemporaries,
but by study and labor raised himself far above that
level.
In a few years Whittingham was recognized as the
best printer in England and had built up a good and
profitable business. He won this success in spite of
the fact that he, even more than Baskerville, failed
to get on with the publishers. The publishers wanted
cheap printing and large profits. Whittingham refused
to lower his standards to meet their desires and in-
sisted on printing to suit himself and, as he believed,
the public. Less ambitious than Baskerville, but
equally conscientious, Whittingham published small
books, well printed, which could be sold at a reason-
able price, although not at the price of trash. He was
right in his estimate of the public demand and, secure
in public support, was able to defy the publishers.
W7hen they refused to give him their work he told them
to keep it, and entirely disregarded their hostility. He
carried the war into the enemies' country by refusing
to be bound by certain trade customs. These customs
were survivals of the old privileges and monopolies
which kept certain books in certain hands. There was
no foundation for these customs except their antiquity,
and Whittingham proposed to publish certain books
which from time immemorial had been held to be the
property of others. Of course, the publishers called him
a pirate, but he never infringed upon a real copyright
and his conduct in the matter is entirely free from
moral reproach.
Whittingham was an enterprising business man as
well as desirous of artistic improvement. He bought
the first Stanhope press which was sold to a printing
70 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
house, in 1800, and his house was among the first to
adopt improved machinery and methods of all sorts.
There is, however, one notable exception. Whitting-
ham and his nephew and successor believed that it
was not possible to do the best work on anything but
a hand press, and no power presses were used in the
Chiswick Press until i860.
About the opening of the century a man by the
name of Potts invented a process for making paper
stock from old rope by removing the tar and dirt.
Whittingham got possession of this process and opened
a paper-stock factory. He did not, however, open a
paper mill, but sold the stock to Fourdrinier, the great
French paper maker. The paper-stock mill was at
Chiswick, and Whittingham opened in 181 1 a second
printing office in the neighborhood, which he called
the Chiswick Press. For a time he carried on the two
printing offices, the paper-stock mill, a book-shop, several
publishing ventures, and a business of some sort, it is
not now known what, in Jersey. It was not many
years, however, before he saw the danger of this exten-
sion and gradually disposed of the outside things, con-
centrating his interest in the Chiswick Press, which
he preferred to continue rather than the London office.
During this period his work steadily continued to
improve. He invented a secret process for giving per-
manent brilliancy to his ink. He gave the greatest
attention to the design and lay-out of his books, pro-
portion in the matter of margins and the like, and to
presswork. This last was doubly important because
of his determination to improve the process of illus-
tration. Of course, the modern processes were not
then in use. Black and white was done either from
THE MODERN BOOK 71
wood blocks or steel and copper plates, and color work
was done by the use of solid color on blocks. In order
to secure better results in black and white, Whitting-
ham invented the over-lay process. Some of his work
in color was the best ever produced by the methods
which were then known. An indication of the resources
of the establishment may be gathered from the story
of the production of his British Poets, sets of which
may still be occasionally bought in old book-shops.
The design for the series was planned in 18 19. ' It was
shortly announced that they were to be published on
a given day in 1822. When the day came the whole
set was published as announced. It consisted of one
hundred royal l8mo volumes, illustrated. Five hundred
sets were printed, making a total of 50,000 volumes.
Shortly after this the younger Charles Whittingham,
nephew of the elder, appears upon the scene. He was
his uncle's apprentice and became his partner in 1824.
The partnership lasted for four years and was appar-
ently not a very harmonious arrangement. The elder
Whittingham, like many strong and successful men,
was masterful and was not disposed to share either
power or responsibility. The young man, although
having no occasion to complain of any unfairness, felt
that although nominally a partner he was really merely
an employee. In 1828 he left the Chiswick Press and
set up for himself in London. He continued in business
there for ten years and then his uncle, who was now
old and in failing health, called him back to take ch>.
of the Chiswick Press. In spite of the fact that their
partnership had not been satisfactory, the old man
doubtless realized that his nephew was the only man
in England who was competent to continue the business
72 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
which he had built up with so much toil and in which
he took so much pride. From this time until the date
of the death of the elder man the younger Whitting-
ham was the moving spirit in the establishment. After
the death of the elder Whittingham the plant was
moved back to London without change of name.
Shortly after the younger Whittingham took over
the management he became acquainted with William
Pickering and formed an association with him which
had momentous effects on English printing and pub-
lishing. Pickering had started an old-book business
in 182 1 and had made money. Although not a prac-
tical printer he was interested in books and he had
very intelligent ideas as to what qualities made books
good, considered as pieces of work. Pickering desired
to publish fine editions of old writers and entered into
an alliance with Whittingham to produce them. For
twenty-five years these two men worked together doing
the best book-making which England had yet seen. Com-
paratively little of it was new work. It was mainly
the printing of fine editions of so-called standard litera-
ture. In 1844, dissatisfied with the types in current
use, they induced Henry Caslon, who was then the
head of the Caslon foundry, to revive the old W7illiam
Caslon type, known technically as old-face reman, and
this revival was the beginning of the permanent restora-
tion cf the Caslon types to favor.
Pickering and Whittingham together may be said
to be the fathers of the modern book. Together they
worked out many improvements. The excellent work
in illustration which had been developed by the elder
Whittingham was continued and improved. In 1840
they were doing color printing from wood blocks which
THE MODERN BOOK 73
was the best ever done by that process in England,
and later they began to produce ornamental books
with initials, borders, head pieces, and the like, printed
from wood blocks, but superior to anything which had
been seen since the days of illuminated manuscripts.
Pickering and Whittingham were in constant consul-
tation. They spent their Sundays and much other
time together. The completeness of their cooperation is
shown by Whittingham's answer to the question which of
the two had the greater influence on the other. He replied,
"My dear sir, when you tell me which half of a pair of
scissors is the more useful, I will answer your question/'
Pickering died in 1854, bankrupt through indorsing
notes for a friend. The death of Pickering was a great
blow to Whittingham, but the bankruptcy did not in
any way involve the Chiswick Press. Whittingham
never took the same interest in the business afterward,
although the house had become sufficiently strong to
continue and maintain its standards. Whittingham
was always actuated by the true craftsman's spirit.
He was successful in his business, but he was more
anxious for artistic than for financial success. There
is not the slightest doubt that if he had been willing
to do so he might have amassed a large fortune. Upon
one occasion he was called in as an expert to figure
the price which the government should offer for a very
large contract. Instead of calling for bids the gov-
ernment had a price figured which it proposed to offer
for the work. Whittingham figured a price which
would be just to the government and at the same
time offer a good margin of profit to the contractor.
After he had completed his labors, he was offered
the contract himself, but refused, stating as he did so
74 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
that he would rather print fine books than make money.
The history of English printing shows one more
epoch-making figure. It is that of William Morris,
poet, socialist, idealist, and craftsman. Morris is in
many ways one of the most picturesque figures of the
nineteenth century. Interested in many kinds of crafts-
manship, he was particularly interested in printing and
in 1 891 he set up the Kelmscott Press in order to ex-
press his idea of what a book should be. Morris was
above all things a man of the Middle Ages. Like the
even more famous Ruskin, his spirit revolted from
many of the characteristics of the nineteenth century.
Whatever he did, thought, or said is influenced by this
underlying spirit of medievalism. In his books and his
types we find exhibited the spirit and forms of the fif-
teenth century, but the vital thing is the spirit and not
the form. Although deeply influenced by fifteenth
century forms, Morris's work is not mere imitation. It
is rather a reproduction of the old-time spirit. Morris
said that in printing it was important to consider "the
paper, the form of the type, the relative spacing of the
letters, words, and lines, and lastly the position of the
printed matter on the page." The harmony and com-
j >teness of the whole, a harmony extending beyond
mechanism to the harmony of literary spirit and typo-
graphic form, was his fundamental idea. In working this
out he adopted as a unit not the single page of type, as
had been commonly the case, but the double page, on
the ground that when the book is opened we have before
our eyes not one page but two, and therefore the two
together form a unit of book composition.
Morris designed three types, named from the books
in which they were first employed. The first was the
THE MODERN BOOK 75
Golden, from the Golden Legend, a heav) black roman
letter with distinct gothic influence. The second was
the Troy, from an edition of Caxton's Troy book, a
modification of a Koburger gothic of the fifteenth cen-
tury. The third was the Chaucer, so called from an
edition of some of Chaucer's work, which was the Troy
reduced in size and slightly modified in face. The initial
letters were designed by Morris in imitation of a
used by Sweynheim and Pannartz.
Unfortunately Morris lived only five years after he
began to print and his press did not survive him. Dur-
ing that period he published fifty-three books in sixty-
five volumes, none of them in large editions. The
influence of Morris, however, was very great. Although
he was not extensively copied directly, he led in a marked
revival of the spirit of the old craftsman and in a
renewal of the old conception of the unity and harmony
of the book as a whole. The Kelmscott Press was hardly
closed when Charles Ricketts opened the Yale Press,
which operated from 1896 to 1904. Ricketts had much
of the spirit and many of the methods of Morris, but
unlike Morris, who approached his type problem from
the side of manuscript, Ricketts conceived his forms
as cast in metal. Another continuer of Morris's wor]
was the Dove Press, which was started in 1900.
Morris's influence extended beyond the Atlantic and
shows itself in some of the best American printing,
particularly that of Mr. Daniel Berkeley Updike of the
Merrymount Press of Boston and Mr. Bruce Rogers of
the Riverside Press of Cambridge.
I The central feature in the history of printing of the
last century has been the development of periodical
76 PRINTING IN ENGLAND
and commercial printing. Previous to the last hun-
dred years the particular thing was the book, but book
printing is now only a small part of the industry. A
study of periodical and commercial printing would be
extremely interesting, but it lies in the domain of typog-
raphy rather than in that of the history of printing.
With the brief consideration which we have made of
the so-called revival of printing under Morris and his
successors we may properly take leave of this branch
of our subject.
SUPPLEMENTARY READING
William Caxton. By Charles Knight. (Popular and in a few respects
inaccurate, but excellent for its sketch of the life and conditions
of Caxton's time.)
Life and Typography of William Caxton. By William Blades. (The
standard authority, but suited only for somewhat advanced
students.)
A Short History of English Printing. By Henry R. Plomer. (A fairly
good general view of the subject.)
The Cambridge History of English Literature. Vol. II, Chap.
xiii; Vol. IV, Chap, xviii; Vol. VII, Chap, xv; Vol. XI, Chap,
xiv. (This work is made up of monographs written by distin-
guished specialists. The chapters indicated contain a very good
general view of the development of British printing and pub-
lishing and of the beginnings of journalism in England.)
See files of the Inland Printer (Chicago) for excellent articles by Mr.
Henry L. Bullen. These articles are notable for their valuable
illustrations.
REVIEW QUESTIONS 77
SUGGESTIONS TO STUDENTS AND INSTRUCTORS
The following questions, based on the contents of this pamphlet,
are intended to serve (i) as a guide to the study of the text, (z > as
an aid to the student in putting the information contained into
definite statements without actually memorizing the text, (3) as a
means of securing from the student a reproduction of the informa-
tion in his own words.
A careful following of the questions by the reader will insure full
acquaintance with every part of the text, avoiding the accidental
omission of what might be of value. These primers are so condensed
that nothing should be omitted.
In teaching from these books it is very important that these
questions and such others as may occur to the teacher should be
made the basis of frequent written work, and of final examinations.
The importance of written work cannot be overstated. It not
only assures knowledge of material but the power to express that
knowlege correctly and in good form.
If this written work can be submitted to the teacher in printed
form it will be doubly useful.
QUESTIONS
1. What general conditions made England slow to take
up printing?
2. What special conditions existed in England about
the time of the invention of printing?
3. What is the truth about the story that the first
English printed book was dated 1468?
4. Tell the story of Caxton's life up to his return to
England.
5. Tell the story of the rest of his life.
6. How many books did he print, and of what sort?
7. What remarkable omissions are there in his work,
and why?
8. What was his special field?
9. What sort of man was Caxton?
10. What can you say about Caxton's typography?
78 REVIEW QUESTIONS
11. What other printers appeared in England during
Caxton's life?
12. WThat was the great difference between Caxton and
his successors?
13. Who was Caxton's successor in business, and what
do you know about him?
14. Who was Pynson, and what did he do?
15. WThat do you know about Copeland; Berthelet;
Grafton and Whitchurch?
16. Describe the condition of English printing up to
1550, and give the reason.
17. What change took place after 1525?
18. What books were imported, and why?
19. What was the situation in England all through the
Middle Ages with regard to labor troubles?
20. WThat social change took place in the nineteenth
century, and what was the result?
21. How did the English deal with the problem of the
regulation of printing?
22. What can you say about English craft guilds?
23. What were the reasons for the organization of the
Company of Stationers?
24. What was the form of organization of the Company ?
25. W7hat was the Star Chamber?
26. What were the powers and the duties of • the
Company?
27. What followed the organization of the Company?
28. Give the substance of the edict of 1586.
29. What did the Company do in the execution of this
edict?
30. What difficulties, other than those caused by the
edicts, troubled the printers?
31. Tell the story of John Wolfe.
REVIEW QUESTIONS 79
32. What was the result of the reduction in tin- number
of offices, and what was done about it?
33. Describe English printing apprenticeship at this
period.
34. What were the relations between author, printer,
and bookseller?
35. Tell the story of John Day.
36. Mention other printers of this time, and give some
distinguishing fact about each.
37. What tendency appears in English printing after
Day, and why?
38. How did printing fare under James I; under
Charles I ?
39. Give the substance of the edict of 1637.
40. What legislation was enacted to protect English
printing?
41. WThat happened when Parliament got the upper
hand, and why?
42. How did printing fare under Cromwell?
43. Tell the story of the attempt to incorporate the
Company of Printers.
44. Sketch the course of government regulation from
1662 to 1694.
45. Tell about Roycroft and his work.
46. Tell about the four type-founders of this time.
47. Describe the rise to prominence of the Oxford Press.
48. What three special changes took place in the
eighteenth century?
49. Tell the story of the invention of stereotyping.
50. Tell how the publishers became the principal power
in the book business.
51. Give the substance of the coypright act of 1709.
52. What was the effect of this act on the author and
on the manufacture of books?
53. Tell the story of William Caslon.
80 REVIEW QUESTIONS
54. Tell the story of Samuel Richardson.
55. Tell the story of the life of Baskerville.
56. Tell about Baskerville as a type-founder.
57. Tell about Baskerville's press; his methods; the
reason for his lack of success.
58. Was Baskerville's work a failure, and why?
59. Tell the story of Charles Whittingham, the elder.
60. Tell the story of Charles Whittingham, the younger.
61. Tell the story of Pickering and his alliance with
Whittingham.
62. Tell the story of Morris and the Kelmscott Press.
63. Describe Morris's ideas and tell about his work.
64. What was the effect of Morris's work?
65. Name a few of the printers most influenced by him.
TYPOGRAPHIC TECHNICAL SERIES
FOR APPRENTICES
r"pHE following list of publications, comprising the Typographic
A Technical Series for Apprentices, has been prepared
under the supervision of the Committee on Education of the
United Typothetae of America for use in trade classes, in course of
printing instruction, and by individuals.
Each publication has been compiled by a competent author or
group of authors, and carefully edited, the purpose being to pro-
vide the printers of the United States — employers, journeymen,
and apprentices — with a comprehensive series of handy and
inexpensive compendiums of reliable, up-to-date information upon
the various branches and specialties of the printing craft, all
arranged in orderly fashion for progressive study.
The publications of the series are of uniform size, 5x8 inches.
Their general make-up, in typography, illustrations, etc., has
been, as far as practicable, kept in harmony throughout. A brief
synopsis of the particular contents and other chief features of each
volume will be found under each title in the following list.
Each topic is treated in a concise manner, the aim being to
embody in each publication as completely as possible all the
rudimentary information and essential facts necessary to an under-
standing of the subject. Care has been taken to make all state-
ments accurate and clear, with the purpose of bringing essential
information within the understanding of beginners in the different
fields of study. Wherever practicable, simple and well-defined
drawings and illustrations have been used to assist in giving
additional clearness to the text.
In order that the pamphlets may be of the greatest possible
help for use in trade-school classes and for self-instruction, each
title is accompanied by a list of Review Questions covering
essential items of the subject matter. A short Glossary of tech-
nical terms belonging to the subject or department treated is also
added to many of the books.
These are the Official Text-books of the United Typothetae of
America.
Address all orders and inquiries to Committee on Education,
United Typothetae of America, Chicago, Illinois, U. 8. A.
TYPOGRAPHIC TECHNICAL SERIES for APPRENTICES
PART I — Types, Tools, Machines, and Materials
1. Type: a Primer of Information. . . By A. A. Stewart
Relating to the mechanical features of printing types; their sizes, font
schemes, etc., with a brief description of their manufacture. 44 pp.;
illustrated; 74 review questions; glossary.
2. Compositors' Tools and Materials . . By A. A. Stewart
A primer of information about composing sticks, galleys, leads, brass
rules, cutting and mitering machines, etc. 47 pp.; illustrated; 50 review
questions; glossary.
3. Type Cases, Composing Room Furniture By A. A. Stewart
A primer of information about type cases, work stands, cabinets, case
racks, galley racks, standing galleys, etc. 43 pp.; illustrated; 33 review
questions; glossary.
4. Imposing Tables and Lock-up Appliances By A. A. Stewart
Describing the tools and materials used in locking up forms for the press,
including some modern utilities for special purposes. 59 pp.; illustrated;
70 review questions; glossary.
5. Proof Presses By A. A. Stewart
A primer of information about the customary methods and machines for
taking printers' proofs. 40 pp. ; illustrated; 41 review questions; glossary.
6. Platen Printing Presses .... By Daniel Baker
A primer of information regarding the history and mechanical construc-
tion of platen printing presses, from the original hand press to the modern
job press, to which is added a chapter on automatic presses of small size.
51 pp.; illustrated; 49 review questions; glossary.
7. Cylinder Printing Presses . . .By Herbert L. Baker
Being a study of the mechanism and operation of the principal types of
cylinder printing machines. 64 pp.; illustrated; 47 review questions;
glossary.
8. Mechanical Feeders and Folders By William E. Spurrier
The history and operation of modern feeding and folding machines; with
hints on their care and adjustments. Illustrated; review questions;
glossary.
9. Power for Machinery in Printing Houses By Carl F. Scott
A treatise on the methods of applying power to printing presses and allied
machinery with particular reference to electric drive. 53 pp. ; illustrated;
69 review questions; glossary.
10. Paper Cutting Machines .... By Niel Gray, Jr.
A primer of information about paper and card trimmers, hand-lever
cutters, power cutters, and other automatic machines for cutting paper,
70 pp.; illustrated; 115 review questions; glossary.
11. Printers' Rollers . . . . . . By A. A. Stewart
A primer of information about the composition, manufacture, and care of
inking rollers. 46 pp.; illustrated; 61 review questions; glossary.
12. Printing Inks By Philip Ruxton
Their composition, properties and manufacture (reprinted by permission
from Circular No. 53, United States Bureau of Standards) ; together with
some helpful suggestions about the everyday use of printing inks by
Philip Ruxton. 80 pp.; 100 review questions; glossary.
ii
TYPOGRAPHIC TECHNICAL SERIES for APPRENTICES
PART I (continued) — Paper and Printing Plates
13. How Paper is Made . . By William Bond Wheelwright
A primer of information about the materials and processes <>f manufactur-
ing paper for printing and writing. 68 pp.; illustrated; 62 review ques-
tions; glossary.
14. Relief Engravings . . . .By Joseph P. Donovan
Brief history and non-technical description of modern method! of engrav-
ing; woodcut, zinc plate, halftone; kind of copy for reproduction; things
to remember when ordering engravings. Illustrated; review questions;
glossary.
15. Electrotyping and Stero typing
By Harris B. Hatch and A. A. Stewart
A primer of information about the processes of electrotyping and stereo-
typing. 94 pp.; illustrated; 129 review questions; glossari* ■-.
PART II — Hand and Machine Composition
16. Typesetting . . ... . . By A. A. Stewart
A handbook for beginners, giving information about justifying, spacing,
correcting, and other matters relating to typesetting. Illustrated;
review questions; glossary.
17. Printers' Proofs By A. A. Stewart
The methods by which they are made, marked, and corrected, with
observations on proofreading. Illustrated; review questions; glossary.
18. First Steps in Job Composition . . By Camille DeV6ze
Suggestions for the apprentice compositor in setting his first jobs,
especially about the important little things which go to make good
display in typography. 63 pp.; examples; 55 review questions; glossary.
19. General Job Composition .
How the job compositor handles business stationery, programs and
miscellaneous work. Illustrated; review questions; glossary.
20. Book Composition . . . . By J. W. Bothwell
Chapters from DeVinne's "Modern Methods of Book Composition,"
revised and arranged for this series of text-books by J. W. Bothwell of
The DeVinne Press, New York. Part I: Composition of pages. Part II :
Imposition of pages. 229 pp. ; illustrated; 525 review questions; glossary.
21. Tabular Composition By Robert Seaver
A study of the elementary forms of table composition, with examples of
more difficult composition. 30 pp.; examples; 45 review questions.
22. Applied Arithmetic By E. E. Sheldon
Elementary arithmetic applied to problems of the printing I rade, calcula-
tion of materials, paper weights and sizes, with standard I ablea and rules
for computation, each subject amplified with examples and exercises.
159 pp.
23. Typecasting and Composing Machines A. W. Finlay, Editor
Section I — The Linotype By L. A Bernstein
Section II — The Monotype Bj Joseph Bayi
Section III — The Intertype By Henry W. Cosseni
Section IV — Other Typecasting and Typesetting .Machines
By Frank II Smith
A brief history of typesetting machines, with descriptions of their
mechanical principles and operation-. Illustrated; review questions;
glossary.
iii
TYPOGRAPHIC TECHNICAL SERIES for APPRENTICES
PART III — Imposition and Stonework
24. Locking Forms for the Job Press . By Frank S. Henry
Things the apprentice should know about locking up small forms, and
about general work on the stone. Illustrated; review questions; glossary.
25. Preparing Forms for the Cylinder Press By Frank S. Henry
Pamphlet and catalog imposition; margins; fold marks, etc. Methods of
handling type forms and electrotype forms. Illustrated; review questions;
glossary.
PART lY—Presswork
26. Making Ready on Platen Presses . By T. G. McGrew
The essential parts of a press and their functions; distinctive features of
commonly used machines. Preparing the tympan, regulating the
impression, underlaying and overlaying, setting gauges, and other
details explained. Illustrated; review questions; glossary.
27. Cylinder Presswork By T. G. McGrew
Preparing the press; adjustment of bed and cylinder, form rollers, ink
fountain, grippers and delivery systems. Underlaying and overlaying;
modern overlay methods. Illustrated; review questions; glossary.
28. Pressroom Hints and Helps . . By Charles L. Dunton
Describing some practical methods of pressroom work, with directions
and useful information relating to a variety of printing-press problems.
87 pp.; 176 review questions.
29. Reproductive Processes of the Graphic Arts By A. W. Elson
A primer of information about the distinctive features of the relief, the
intaglio, and the planographic processes of printing. 84 pp.; illustrated;
100 review questions; glossary.
PART V — Pamphlet and Book Binding
30. Pamphlet Binding • . . By Bancroft L. Goodwin
A primer of information about the various operations employed in
binding pamphlets and other work in the bindery. Illustrated; review
questions; glossary.
31. Book Binding By John J. Pleger
Practical information about the usual operations in binding books;
folding; gathering, collating, sewing, forwarding, finishing. Case making
and cased-in books. Hand work and machine work. Job and blank-
book binding. Illustrated; review questions; glossary.
PART VI — Correct Literary Composition
32. Word Study and English Grammar By F. W. Hamilton
A primer of information about words, their relations, and their uses.
68 pp.; 84 review questions; glossary.
33. Punctuation By F. W. Hamilton
A primer of information about the marks of punctuation and their use,
both grammatically and typographically. 56 pp.; 59 review questions;
glossary.
iv
TYPOGRAPHIC TECHNICAL SERIES for APPRENTICES
PART VI (continued) — Correct Literary Composition
34. Capitals By F. W. Hamilton
A primer of information about capitalisal ion, with some practical I
graphic hints as to the use of capitals, is pp.; 92 review questions;
glossary.
35. Division of Words .... By F. W. Hamilton
Kulos for the division of words at the ends of lines, with remarks on
spelling, syllabication and pronunciation. 12 pp.; 70 review questions.
36. Compound Words . . . . By F. W. Hamilton
A study of the principles of compounding, the components "t com-
pounds, and the use of the hyphen. 34 pp.; 62 review questions.
37. Abbreviations and Signs . . . By F. W. Hamilton
A primer of information about abbreviations ami sii:ns with classified
lists of those in most common use. 58 pp.; 32 review questions.
38. The Uses of Italic . . . . By F. W. Hamilton
A primer of information about the history and uses of italic letters,
31 pp.; 37 review questions.
39. Proofreading By Arnold Le vitas
The technical phases of the proofreader's work; reading, marking,
revising, etc.; methods of handling proofs and copy. Illustrated by
examples. 59 pp.; 09 review questions; glossary.
40. Preparation of Printers' Copy . . By F. W. Hamilton
Suixtrestions for authors, editors, and all who are engaged in preparing
copy for the composing room. 3G pp.; 67 review questions.
41. Printers' Manual of Style .
A reference compilation of approved rules, usages, and suggesl ions
relating to uniformity in punctuation, capitalization, abbreviations,
numerals, and kindred features of composition.
42. The Printer's Dictionary . . . . By A. A. Stewart
A handbook of definitions and miscellaneous information aboul various
processes of printing, alphabetically arranged. Technical terms ex-
plained. Illustrated.
PART VII — Design, Color, and Lettering
43. Applied Design for Printers . . . By Harry L. ( rage
A handbook of the principles of arrangemenl , \\ it li brief comment on t be
periods of design which have most influenced printing Treats "t har-
monv, balance, proportion, and rhythm; motion; symmetry and variety ;
ornament, esthetic and symbolic. 37 illustration-; 10 review questions;
glossary ; bibliography. .
44. Elements of Typographic Design . . By Harry L. G
Applications of the principle- of decorative design. Building material
of typography: paper, types, ink, decorations and illustrations. Handling
of shapes. Design oi complete I k, treating each pai
commercial forms and single units. Illustrations; review questions.
glossary; bibliography.
V
TYPOGRAPHIC TECHNICAL SERIES for APPRENTICES
PART VII (continued) — Design, Color, and Lettering
45. Rudiments of Color in Printing . . .By Harry L. Gage
Use of color: for decoration of black and white, for broad poster effect,
in combinations of two, three, or more printings with process engravings.
Scientific nature of color, physical and chemical. Terms in which color
may be discussed: hue, value, intensity. Diagrams in color, scales and
combinations. Color theory of process engraving. Experiments with
color. Illustrations in full color, and on various papers. Review ques-
tions; glossary; bibliography.
46. Lettering in Typography . . . .By Harry L. Gage
Printer's use of lettering: adaptability and decorative effect. Develop-
ment of historic writing and lettering and its influence on type design.
Classification of general forms in lettering. Application of design to
lettering. Drawing for reproduction. Fully illustrated; review ques-
tions; glossary; bibliography.
47. Typographic Design in Advertising . . By Harry L. Gage
The printer's function in advertising. Precepts upon which advertising
is based. Printer's analysis of his copy. Emphasis, legibility, attention,
color. Method of studying advertising typography. Illustrations;
review questions; glossary; bibliography.
48. Making Dummies and Layouts . . . By Harry L. Gage
A layout: the architectural plan. A dummy: the imitation of a proposed
final effect. Use of dummy in sales work. Use of layout. Function of
layout man. Binding schemes for dummies. Dummy envelopes.
Illustrations; review questions; glossary; bibliography.
PART VIII— History of Printing
49. Books Before Typography . . . By F. W. Hamilton
A primer of information about the invention of the alphabet and the
history of bookmaking up to the invention of movable types. 62 pp.;
illustrated; 64 review questions.
50. The Invention of Typography . . By F. W. Hamilton
A brief sketch of the invention of printing and how it came about.
64 pp. ; 62 review questions.
51. History of Printing— Part I . . By F. W. Hamilton
A primer of information about the beginnings of printing, the develop-
ment of the book, the development of printers' materials, and the work
of the great pioneers. 63 pp. ; 55 review questions.
52. History of Printing— Part II . . By F. W. Hamilton
A brief sketch of the economic conditions of the printing industry from
1450 to 1789, including government regulations, censorship, internal
conditions and industrial relations. 94 pp. ; 128 review questions.
53. Printing in England . . . . By F. W. Hamilton
A short history of printing in England from Caxton to the present time.
89 pp. ; 65 review questions.
54. Printing in America . . . . By F. W. Hamilton
A brief sketch of the development of the newspaper, and some notes on
publishers who have especially contributed to printing. 98 pp.; 84
review questions.
55. Type and Presses in America . . By F. W. Hamilton
A brief historical sketch of the development of type casting and press
building in the United States. 52 pp.; 61 review questions.
vi
TYPOGRAPHIC TECHNICAL SERIES for APPRENTICES
PART IX — Cost Finding and Accounting
56. Elements of Cost in Printing . . By Henry P. Porter
The Standard Cost- Finding Forms and their uses. What they should
show. How to utilize the information they give. Review question*.
Glossary.
57. Use of a Cost System ... By Henry P. Porter
The Standard Cost-Finding Forms and their uses. What they should
show. How to utilize the information they give. Review questions.
Glossary.
58. The Printer as a Merchant . . By Henry P. Porter
The selection and purchase of materials and supplies for printing. The
relation of the cost of raw material and the selling price of the finished
product. Review questions. Glossary.
59. Fundamental Principles of Estimating By Henry P. Porter
The estimator and his work; forms to use; general rules for estimating.
Review questions. Glossary.
60. Estimating and Selling ... By Henry P. Porter
An insight into"the methods used in making estimates, and their relation
to selling. Review questions. Glossary.
61. Accounting for Printers . . . By Henry P. Porter
A brief outline of an accounting system for printers; necessary books and
accessory records. Review questions. Glossary.
PART X — Miscellaneous
62. Health, Sanitation, and Safety . . By Henry P. Porter
Hygiene in the printing trade; a study of conditions old and new; practical
suggestions for improvement; protective appliances and rules for safety*
63. Topical Index By F. W. Hamilton
A book of reference covering the topics treated in the Typographia
Technical Series, alphabetically arranged.
64. Courses of Study By F. W. Hamilton
A guidebook for teachers, with outlines and suggestions for classroom and
shop work.
Vll
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
THIS series of Typographic Text-books is the result of the
splendid co-operation of a large number of firms and in-
dividuals engaged in the printing business and its allied industries
in the United States of America.
The Committee on Education of the United Typothetae of
America, under whose auspices the books have been prepared and
published, acknowledges its indebtedness for the generous assist-
ance rendered by the many authors, printers, and others identified
with this work.
While due acknowledgment is made on the title and copyright
pages of those contributing to each book, the Committee never-
theless felt that a group list of co-operating firms would be of
interest.
The following list is not complete, as it includes only those who
have co-operated in the production of a portion of the volumes,
constituting the first printing. As soon as the entire list of books
comprising the Typographic Technical Series has been completed
(which the Committee hopes will be at an early date), the full list
will be printed in each volume.
The Committee also desires to acknowledge its indebtedness to
the many subscribers to this Series who have patiently awaited its
publication.
Committee on Education,
United Typothetae of America.
Henry P. Porter, Chairman,
E. Lawrence Fell,
A. M. Glossbrenner,
J. Clyde Oswald,
Toby Rubovits.
Frederick W. Hamilton, Education Director.
Vlll
CONTRIBUTORS
For Composition and Electrotypes
Isaac H. Blanch ard Company, New York, N. Y.
S. H. Burbank <fc Co., Philadelphia, Pa.
J. S. Cushing & Co., Norwood, Mass.
The DeVinne Press, New York, N. Y.
R. R. Donnelley & Sons Co., Chicago, 111.
Geo. H. Ellis Co., Boston, Mass.
Evans-Winter-Hebb, Detroit, Mich.
Franklin Printing Company, Philadelphia, Pa.
F. H. Gilson Company, Boston, Mass.
Stephen Greene & Co., Philadelphia, Pa.
W. F. Hall Printing Co., Chicago, 111.
J. B. Lippincott Co., Philadelphia, Pa.
McCalla & Co. Inc., Philadelphia, Pa.
The Patteson Press, New York, New York
The Plimpton Press, Norwood, Mass.
Poole Bros., Chicago, 111.
Edward Stern & Co., Philadelphia, Pa.
The Stone Printing & Mfg. Co., Roanoke, Va.
C. D. Traphagen, Lincoln, Neb.
The University Press, Cambridge, Mass.
For Composition
Boston Typothetae School of Printing, Boston, Mass.
William F. Fell Co., Philadelphia, Pa.
The Kalkhoff Company, New York, N. Y.
Oxford-Print, Boston, Mass.
Tom' Pvibovits, Chicago, 111.
For Electrotypes
Blomgren Brothers Co., Chicago, 111.
Flower Steel Electrotyping Co., New York, N. Y.
C. J. Peters & Son Co., Boston, Mass.
Royal Electrotype Co., Philadelphia, Pa.
H. C. Whitcomb & Co., Boston, Mass.
For Engravings
Amkrican Type Founders Co., Boston, Mass.
C. B. CoTrRELL & Sons Co., Westerly, R. I.
Golding Manufacturing Co., Franklin, Mass.
Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
Inland Printer Co., Chicago, 111.
Lanston Monotype Machine Company, Philadelphia, Pa.
Mergenthaler Linotype Company, New York, N. Y.
Geo. H. Morrill Co., Norwood. Mass.
Oswald Publishing Co., New York, X. Y.
The Printing Art, Cambridge, Mass.
B. D. Rising Paper Company, Bousatonic, Ma
The Vandercook Peess, Chicago, III.
For Book Paper
American Writing Paper Co., Bolyoke, Mass.
West Virginia Pulp A: Paper Co., Mechanicville, X. i .
ix
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